THANK YOU MR. SECRETARY GENERAL

Ban’s visit may not have achieved any visible outcome, but the people of Burma will remember what he promised: "I have come to show the unequivocal shared commitment of the United Nations to the people of Myanmar. I am here today to say: Myanmar – you are not alone."

QUOTES OF UN SECRETARY GENERAL

Without participation of Aung San Suu Kyi, without her being able to campaign freely, and without her NLD party [being able] to establish party offices all throughout the provinces, this [2010] election may not be regarded as credible and legitimate. ­
United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-moon
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Showing posts with label OPINIOM. Show all posts

တျခားေသာ အမ်ဳိးသားကို မုန္းတီးျခင္းသည္ အမ်ဳိးသားေရး မဟုတ္ဟု ေဒၚစုေျပာၾကား

တျခားေသာ အမ်ဳိးသားကို မုန္းတီးျခင္းသည္ အမ်ဳိးသားေရး မဟုတ္ဟု ေဒၚစုေျပာၾကား
ဖနိဒါ
ဗုဒၶဟူးေန႔၊ ႏုိဝင္ဘာလ 11 ရက္ 2009 ခုႏွစ္ 15 နာရီ 22 မိနစ္


မဇိၩမ (ခ်င္းမုိင္) ။ ။ တျခားေသာ အမ်ဳိးသားမ်ားကို မုန္းတီးျခင္းသည္ အမ်ဳိးသားေရး မဟုတ္ဟု အတိုက္အခံ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က ေျပာဆိုလိုက္သည္။

”သူ (ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္) တခုပဲ ေျပာပါတယ္။ အမ်ဳိးသားေရးဆုိတာ အင္မတန္ေကာင္းတယ္။ အမ်ဳိးသားေရးဆုိတာ ကုိယ့္အမ်ဳိးသားကို ေကာင္းစားေစခ်င္တဲ့ ေစတနာ ေမတၱာေတြ ေကာင္းတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ္လုိ႔ တျခားအမ်ဳိးသားကို ထိခိုက္ေစတဲ့ဟာ၊ တျခားအမ်ဳိးသားကုိ မုန္းတီးတာဟာ အမ်ဳိးသားေရး မဟုတ္ဘူးဆုိတာပဲ ေျပာလုိက္တယ္”ဟု အမ်ဳိးသား ဒီမိုကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ ေျပာေရးဆိုခြင့္ရွိသူ ဦးဥာဏ္ဝင္းက ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ ေျပာစကားကို ကိုးကား၍ မဇိၩမကုိ ေျပာသည္။
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္

ေရွ႕ေနလည္းျဖစ္ေသာ ဦးဥာဏ္ဝင္းႏွင့္ ေနအိမ္ခ်ဳပ္က်ခံေနရေသာ ပါတီေခါင္းေဆာင္တို႔ ယေန႔နံနက္တြင္ ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕ တကၠသိုလ္ရိပ္သာလမ္းရွိ သူမ၏ ေနအိမ္တြင္ ေတြ႔ဆံုခဲ့ၾကရာ ေျပာၾကားလိုက္ျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။

ယေန႔သည္ ျမန္မာ့႐ိုးရာ ျပကၡဒိန္အားျဖင့္ တန္ေဆာင္မုန္းလျပည့္ေက်ာ္ ၁၀ ရက္ေန႔ျဖစ္ၿပီး ၈၉ ႏွစ္ေျမာက္ အမ်ဳိးသားေန႔ ျဖစ္သည္။ အဂၤလိပ္ ကိုလိုနီ အစိုးရလက္ေအာက္ ၁၉၂၀ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ေသာ ပညာေရးအဆင့္ ျမႇင့္တင္ေစလိုေသာ ေကာလိပ္ေက်ာင္းသားမ်ား၏ သပိတ္စတင္ေသာေန႔ကို အမ်ဳိးသားေန႔ဟု သတ္မွတ္ခဲ့ၾကသည္။

စစ္အစိုးအႀကီးအကဲ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မႉးႀကီး သန္းေရႊကလည္း အမ်ဳိးသားေန႔မိန္းခြန္း ေျပာၾကားသည္ကို ယေန႔ထုတ္ စစ္အစိုးရအာေဘာ္ ျမန္မာ့အလင္း သတင္းစာတြင္ ေဖာ္ျပထားသည္။

မ်က္ေမွာက္ကာလတြင္ ေခတ္သစ္ကိုလိုနီနယ္ခ်ဲ႕ ႏိုင္ငံႀကီးမ်ားက အျခားႏုိင္ငံမ်ား၏ ျပည္တြင္းေရးကို ဝင္ေရာက္စြက္ဖက္ၿပီး နယ္ပယ္အသီးသီး ကို လႊမ္းမိုးျခယ္လွယ္ရန္ ႀကိဳးပမ္းေဆာင္ရြက္လ်က္ ရွိသည္ဟု ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မႉးႀကီး၏ ေျပာဆုိသည့္ စကားကို ေဖာ္ျပထားသည္။

ထို႔အျပင္ ၂၀၁၀ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ က်င္းပႏုိင္ေရး ျပင္ဆင္ေနသည့္အတြက္ ျပည္သူမ်ားက ပူးေပါင္း ေဆာင္ရြက္ရန္လည္း ေတာင္းဆို လိုက္ေသးသည္။

ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံအေပၚ အေမရိကန္၊ ဥေရာပသမဂၢအဖြဲ႔ဝင္ ႏုိင္ငံမ်ား၊ ၾသစေၾတးလ်ား အပါအဝင္ စီးပြားေရးႏွင့္ သံတမန္ေရးရာ ပိတ္ဆို႔အေရးယူမႈမ်ား ႐ုတ္သိမ္းေရးတြင္ ပါဝင္ကူညီေပးမည္ဆိုေသာ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ႏုိဘယ္လ္ဆုရွင္က စစ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ထံ စာေရးသား ေပးပို႔ၿပီးေနာက္ ေနာက္ဆက္တြဲ အျဖစ္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္သည္ အမ်ားျပည္သူ ျမင္ကြင္းတြင္ ျပန္လည္ေပၚထြက္လာခဲ့ကာ သူမ၏ ေျပာစကားမ်ားလည္း တဆင့္စကားအျဖစ္ ပံုမွန္ထြက္ေပၚလာေနခ့ဲသည္။

ရန္ကုန္ရွိ အန္အယ္ဒီ ႐ံုးခ်ဳပ္တြင္ က်င္းပေသာ အမ်ဳိးသားေန႔ အခမ္းအနားအတြက္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က ဦးဥာဏ္ဝင္းမွတဆင့္ ႏႈတ္ျဖင့္ သဝဏ္လႊာပါး ေက်းဇူးတင္စကား ဆိုလိုက္သည္။ ျပည္နယ္ႏွင့္ တုိင္း အသီးသီးမွ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား မအားလပ္သည့္ၾကားမွ အခမ္းအနား တက္ေရာက္ျခင္းအေပၚ ေက်းဇူးတင္သည္ဟု သူမက ေျပာၾကားသည္။

အမ်ဳိးသားဒီမိုကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္က စစ္အစိုးရအေနျဖင့္ ေတြ႔ဆံုေဆြးေႏြးအေျဖရွာရန္ ထပ္မံေတာင္းဆိုလုိက္ျပန္ၿပီး ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္၊ ဦးတင္ဦး၊ ရွမ္းအမ်ဳိးသားမ်ား ဒီမုိကေရစီ အဖဲြ႔ခ်ဳပ္ ဥကၠ႒ ဦးခြန္ထြန္းဦး၊ အတြင္းေရးမႉး စုိင္းညြန႔္လြင္ႏွင့္ အျခားတုိင္းရင္းသား ေခါင္းေဆာင္ မ်ားအား အျမန္ဆံုးလႊတ္ေပးရန္ လိုအပ္သည္ဟု ဆိုသည္။

ထို႔အျပင္ အဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ ႐ံုးမ်ားကုိ ကာလရွည္ၾကာ ပိတ္ထားျခင္းမွ ျပန္လည္ဖြင့္ခြင့္ျပဳရန္ႏွင့္ လြတ္လပ္စြာ စည္း႐ံုးခြင့္၊ တရားဝင္ စည္း႐ံုးခြင့္ေပးရန္၊ ၁၉၉၀ ျပည့္ႏွစ္ ပါတီစံု ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲတြင္ အႏုိင္ရၿပီးမွ ဖ်က္သိမ္းခံပါတီမ်ား အပါအဝင္ ႏုိင္ငံေရးပါတီမ်ားကို ႏုိင္ငံေရး မွတ္ပံုတင္ခြင့္ေပး၍ စည္း႐ံုးခြင့္ျပဳရန္တို႔ကုိ စစ္အစုိးရအေနျဖင့္ အျမန္ဆံုး ေဆာင္ရြက္ေပးရန္ လုိအပ္ေၾကာင္း ေၾကညာခ်က္တြင္ ေဖာ္ျပထားသည္။

အန္အယ္ဒီ ျပန္ၾကားေရးအဖြဲ႔ဝင္ ဦးအုန္းႀကိဳင္က အမ်ဳိးသားေန႔ အထိန္းအမွတ္အျဖစ္ “ဒီအမ်ဳိးသားေန႔မွာ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က အခုလုိ ႏႈတ္နဲ႔ သဝဏ္လႊာပါးခြင့္ရတာဟာ ထူးျခားတယ္လုိ႔ ေျပာခ်င္ပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာ့ႏုိင္ငံအေရး ေျပလည္မႈ အလားလာ တုိးတက္လာသလားလုိ႔ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ႏုိင္တယ္ဆုိရင္ေတာ့ အားတက္စရာ ျဖစ္တယ္လုိ႔ ေျပာခ်င္ပါတယ္” ဟု ေျပာသည္။

အခမ္းအနားသုိ႔ အမ်ဳိးသား ဒီမုိကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ ျပည္နယ္ႏွင့္ တုိင္းအသီးသီးမွ ကုိယ္စားလွယ္မ်ား၊ ဝါရင့္ႏုိင္ငံေရးသမားမ်ား အဖြဲ႔ဝင္မ်ား၊ ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ ကိုယ္စားျပဳေကာ္မတီ - CRPP ႏွင့္ ရခုိင္ အမ်ဳိးသား ဒီမုိကေရစီ အဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္တို႔ အပါအဝင္ လူဦးေရ ၁၀၀၀ ခန္႔ တက္ေရာက္ ခဲ့သည္။

ျမန္မာ့ႏိုင္ငံေရး ျဖတ္သန္းမႈတြင္ ကာလရွည္စြာ ပါဝင္လာခဲ့သည့္ ဝါရင့္ႏုိင္ငံေရးသမားအစုကလည္း ေတြ႔ဆံုေဆြးေႏြးေရး ျပဳလုပ္ပါဟု ေျပာဆိုလိုက္သည္။

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”အက်ဥ္းအၾကပ္အေနအထားသို႕ ေရာက္ေနသည့္ ဗမာျပည္”

http://laminkhinkhin.blogspot.com/2009/10/blog-post_19.html




Monday, October 19, 2009

ဒၚစမ္းစမ္း (အမ္ပီယူ၊ ဆိပ္ကမ္းျမိဳ႔နယ္ကိုယ္စားျပဳ လႊတ္ေတာ္ကုိယ္စားလွယ္)



ေအာက္တုိဘာ ၁၈၊ ၂၀၀၉

ၾသစေၾတးလ်ႏိုင္ငံ၊ ဆစ္ဒနီၿမိဳ႕တြင္ “အက်ဥ္းအၾကပ္အေနအထားသို႕ ေရာက္ေနသည့္ ဗမာျပည္” ေခါင္းစဥ္ျဖင့္ လက္ရိွ ဗမာ့ႏိုင္ငံေရး အေျခအေနမ်ားႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ လူထုႏီွးေႏွာဖလွယ္ပြဲတရပ္ကို က်င္းပခဲ့သည္။

အမ်ဳိးသားဒီမိုကေရစီအဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္ (လြတ္ေျမာက္နယ္ေျမ) ၾသစေၾတးလ်ဌာနခြဲမွ ကမကထလုပ္ၿပီး တိုင္းရင္းသား အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ား၊ ဗမာ့ဒီမိုကေရစီအေရး တက္ၾကြလွဳပ္ရွားသူမ်ားႏွင့္ အတူပူးေပါင္း၍ ၾသစေၾတးလ်ႏိုင္ငံ၊ ဆစ္ဒနီၿမိဳ႕၊ ရီဂ်င့္ပန္းၿခံ လူထုခန္းမတြင္ လက္ရိွဗမာ့ႏိုင္ငံေရးအေျခအေနမ်ားႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး လူထုႏီွးေႏွာဖလွယ္ပြဲတရပ္ကို ယမန္ေန႕ မြန္းလြဲပုိင္းက က်င္းပျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း သိရိွရပါသည္။

အဆိုပါ လူထုႏီွးေႏွာဖလွယ္ပြဲတြင္ ႏိုင္ေဖသိန္းျဇာ (ဥကၠ႒၊ မြန္အမ်ဳိးသားေကာင္စီ)မွ “တိုင္းရင္းသား ျပႆနာႏွင့္ စစ္တပ္အာဏာ” ေခါင္းစဥ္ျဖင့္၎၊ ေစာလြင္ဦး (ႏိုင္ငံလံုးဆိုင္ရာဥကၠ႒၊ ၾသစေၾတးလ်ကရင္အစည္းအရံုး)မွ “ကရင္ လက္နက္ကိုင္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးအေပၚ ကရင္တိုင္းရင္းသားတို႕၏ ရွဳ႕ျမင္ခ်က္” ေခါင္းစဥ္ျဖင့္၎၊ ပါေမာကၡ ေဒါက္တာ သန္းႏိုင္ (ဥကၠ႒၊ ဗမာလူမ်ဳိးစုလူမွဳေရးအဖြဲ႕)မွ “Sanctions and Engagement” ေခါင္းစဥ္ျဖင့္၎၊ ေဒၚစန္းစန္း (ဒုတိယဥကၠ႒၊ ျပည္သူလႊတ္ေတာ္ကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ားအဖြဲ႕၊ ဗမာႏိုင္ငံ)မွ “လက္ရိွ ဗမာ့ႏိုင္ငံေရး အၾကပ္အတည္းႏွင့္ ေရႊဂံုတိုင္ေၾကညာစာတမ္း” ေခါင္းစဥ္ျဖင့္၎ ဦးေဆာင္ေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့ၾကေၾကာင္း သိရိွရပါသည္။

ယင္း လူထုႏီွးေႏွာဖလွယ္ပြဲသို႕ ၈၈ ေက်ာင္းသားေဟာင္းအဖြဲ႕၊ ABSDF(Australia)၊ ၾသစေၾတးလ်ကရင္အစည္းအရံုး၊ ဗမာလူမ်ဳိးစုလူမွဳေရးအဖြဲ႕ (ဆစ္ဒနီၿမိဳ႕)၊ Burma Campaign (Sydney)၊ ျမန္မာလူငယ္မ်ားအဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္ (ၾသစေၾတးလ်)၊ ျမန္မာလူမ်ဳိးစု ျမန္မာ့အသံ၊ Burma Office ႏွင့္ အမ်ဳိးသားဒီမိုကေရစီ အဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္ (လြတ္ေျမာက္နယ္ေျမ) ၾသစေၾတးလ် ဌာနခြဲမွ အဖြဲ႕၀င္မ်ား၊ ဦးေဆာင္သူမ်ား စံုညီစြာ တက္ေရာက္ ေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့ၾကၿပီး ႏွီးေႏွာဖလွယ္ပြဲ တက္ေရာက္သူ စုစုေပါင္း (၇၀)ဦး ရိွေၾကာင္း သိရိွရပါသည္။

အဆိုပါ လူထုႏီွးေႏွာဖလွယ္ပြဲတြင္ ၁၉၉၀ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲမွ ေရြးေကာက္ တင္ေျမာက္ျခင္း ခံခဲ့ၾကရသည့္ အမ်ဳိးသားဒီမိုကေရစီ အဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္၏ လြႊတ္ေတာ္ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ားျဖစ္ေသာ ဦးတင္ထြဋ္ (ဧရာ၀တီတိုင္း၊ အိမ္မဲၿမိဳ႕နယ္၊ အမွတ္-၁ မဲဆႏၵနယ္)ႏွင့္ ဦးေမာင္ေမာင္ေအး (မႏၱေလးတိုင္း၊ အေရွ႕ေျမာက္ၿမိဳ႕နယ္ အမွတ္-၁ မဲဆႏၵနယ္)တို႕လည္း ေဒၚစန္းစန္း (ရန္ကုန္တိုင္း၊ ဆိပ္ကမ္းၿမိဳ႕နယ္ ျပည္သူ႕လႊတ္ေတာ္ကိုယ္စားလွယ္) ႏွင့္အတူ တက္ေရာက္ခဲ့ၾကေၾကာင္း သတင္းရရိွပါသည္။
အဆိုပါ လူထုႏီွးေႏွာဖလွယ္ပြဲမွ ဆံုးျဖတ္ခ်က္ (၄)ရပ္ႏွင့္ မွတ္တမ္းတင္ျခင္း (၁)ရပ္တို႕ကို ေဆာင္ရြက္ႏိုင္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း သိရိွရပါသည္။ နအဖစစ္ အစိုးရအေပၚ လက္နက္တင္ပို႕ျခင္း၊ တင္သြင္းျခင္းမ်ားအား တကမာၻလံုး အတိုင္းအတာျဖင့္ ပိတ္ဆို႕ဟန္႕တားသြားေရး ကမာၻ႕ကုလသမဂၢမွ က်င့္သံုးအေကာင္အထည္ေဖၚရန္ အေရွ႕တီေမာႏိုင္ငံ သမၼတႀကီး ေဒါက္တာဂ်ဳိ႕စ္ရာမိုစ့္ေဟာတာ၏ တိုက္တြန္း ႏိုးေဆာ္ခ်က္ကို အဆိုပါ လူထုႏွီးေႏွာဖလွယ္ပြဲမွ ၀မ္းေျမာက္၀မ္းသာစြာ ျဖင့္ မွတ္တမ္းတင္ခဲ့ၿပီး ဆံုးျဖတ္ခ်က္မ်ားကို ေအာက္ပါအတိုင္း ခ်မွတ္ခဲ့ၾကပါသည္။

(၁) ၂၀၀၈ခုႏွစ္ ဖြဲ႕စည္းပံုအေျခခံဥပေဒသည္ တိုင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ဳိးမ်ား အပါအ၀င္ ျပည္သူအေပါင္း၏ အက်ဳိးစီးပြားကို ေရွးရွဳ႕ျခင္းမရိွသည့္၊ လက္ခံႏိုင္ဖြယ္မရိွသည့္ ဖြဲ႕စည္းပံုအေျခခံဥပေဒအျဖစ္ သတ္မွတ္ဆံုးျဖတ္ျခင္း။

(၂) ယင္း ဖြဲ႕စည္းပံုအေျခခံဥပေဒအရ ေဆာင္ရြက္ရန္ရိွသည့္ ၂၀၁၀ခုႏွစ္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲသည္လည္း စစ္အာဏာရွင္ စနစ္ကို တရား၀င္ အသက္ဆက္ေပးမည့္ နအဖစစ္အစိုးရ၏ ေဆာင္ရြက္ခ်က္အျဖစ္ သတ္မွတ္ကာ ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲကို ျပင္းထန္စြာ ရံွဳ႕ခ်၊ ကန္႕ကြက္ေၾကာင္း ဆံုးျဖတ္ျခင္း။

(၃) အမ်ဳိးသားဒီမိုကေရစီအဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္၏ ေရႊဂံုတိုင္ေၾကညာစာတမ္းပါ ရပ္တည္ခ်က္သေဘာထားမ်ားကို ေထာက္ခံ ေၾကာင္း ဆံုးျဖတ္ျခင္း။

(၄) နအဖစစ္အစိုးရႏွင့္ ျပည္ပအစိုးရမ်ားအၾကား ေပၚေပါက္လာရန္ရိွသည့္ ပိုမိုထိေတြ႕ဆက္ဆံမွဳေရးမူ၀ါဒႏွင့္ ယင္းမူ၀ါဒပါ လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္မ်ားသည္ စစ္အစိုးရ၊ ဒီမိုကေရစီအင္အားစုမ်ားႏွင့္ တိုင္းရင္းသားအင္အားစုမ်ားအၾကား သံုးပြင့္ဆိုင္ေတြ႕ဆံုေဆြးေႏြးေရးကို ဦးတည္ေစမည့္ မူ၀ါဒႏွင့္ လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္မ်ားသာ ျဖစ္သင့္ေၾကာင္း ဆံုးျဖတ္ျခင္း။

ယမန္ေန႕က က်င္းပျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့သည့္ ၾသစေၾတးလ်ႏိုင္ငံ၊ ဆစ္ဒနီၿမိဳ႕ လူထုႏီွးေႏွာဖလွယ္ပြဲသည္ ဒုတိယအၾကိမ္ေျမာက္ ျဖစ္ၿပီး ပထမအႀကိမ္ကို ၂၀၀၉ခုႏွစ္၊ ၾသဂုတ္လ(၁၆)ရက္တြင္ က်င္းပၿပီးစီးခဲ့ေၾကာင္းလည္း သိရိွပါသည္။ ဗမာ့ႏိုင္ငံေရး အေျခအေနမ်ားအေပၚ အေျခခံၿပီး ဗမာျပည္ဒီမိုကေရစီျပန္လည္ ထြန္းကားေရးအတြက္ လူထုအင္အားတရပ္ ျပည္ပ တြင္ ခိုင္ခိုင္မာမာ ထြက္ေပၚလာေစေရးကို ရည္ရြယ္၍ လူထုႏွီးေႏွာဖလွယ္ပြဲမ်ားကို ဆက္လက္ျပဳလုပ္ သြားရန္ အစီအစဥ္မ်ား ရိွေၾကာင္းလည္း သိရိွရပါသည္။ ။

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The Guardian - Desmond Tutu: my tribute to Burma's opposition leader, Aung San Suu Kyi

The Guardian - Desmond Tutu: my tribute to Burma's opposition leader, Aung San Suu Kyi
In the week when Amnesty International awarded Burma's opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi its highest accolade, Ambassador of Conscience, a fellow Nobel laureate pays tribute
This article was written in response to a feature about Aung San Suu Kyi by Adrian Levy and Cathy Scott-Clark which was published on 11 November 2008
Desmond Tutu
The Guardian, Thursday 30 July 2009

I think of my sister Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi every day. Her picture hangs on the wall of my office, reminding me that, thousands of miles away in Asia, a nation is oppressed. Every day I ask myself: have I done everything I can try to end the atrocities being committed in Burma? And I pray that world leaders will ask themselves the same question. For if they did, the answer would be "no", and perhaps their conscience will finally force them to act.

Humankind has the ability to live in freedom and in peace. We have seen that goodness has triumphed over evil; we have witnessed political transitions in South Africa, and elsewhere, evidencing that we live in a moral universe. Our world is sometimes lacking wise and good leadership or, as in the case of Burma, the leadership is forbidden to lead.

Aung San Suu Kyi has now been detained for more than 13 years. She recently passed her 5,000th day in detention. Every one of those days is a tragedy and a lost opportunity. The whole world, not just the people of Burma, suffers from this loss. We desperately need the kind of moral and principled leadership that Aung San Suu Kyi would provide. And when you add the more than 2,100 political prisoners who are also in Burma's jails, and the thousands more jailed in recent decades, the true scale of injustice, but also of lost potential, becomes heartbreakingly clear.

Like many leaders, Aung San Suu Kyi has had to make great personal sacrifices. It is cruel enough to deprive an innocent person of her freedom. Burma's generals are crueller still. They try to use her as leverage to make her submit to their will. They refused to allow her husband to visit one last time when he was dying of cancer. She has grandchildren she has never even met. Yet her will and determination have stayed strong despite her being kept in detention for so many years.

More than anything, the new trial and detention of Aung San Suu Kyi speaks volumes about her effectiveness as a leader. The only reason the generals need to silence her clarion call for freedom is because they fear her and the principles she stands for. She is the greatest threat to their continuing rule.

The universal demand for human freedom cannot be suppressed forever. This is a universal truth that Than Shwe, the dictator of Burma, has failed to understand. How frustrated must he be that no matter how long he keeps Aung San Suu Kyi in detention, no matter how many guns he buys, and no matter how many people he imprisons, Aung San Suu Kyi and the people of Burma will not submit. The demands for the freedom of Aung San Suu Kyi and all political prisoners of Burma grow louder and echo around the world, reaching even his new capital hidden in central Burma. Words, however, are not enough. Freedom is never given freely by those who have power; it has to be fought for.

The continuing detention of Aung San Suu Kyi and Burma's other political prisoners is a crime and an indictment of an international community that often substitutes the issuance of repeated statements of concern for effective diplomacy. The UN treats the situation in Burma as if it is just a dispute between two sides, and they must mediate to find a middle ground. The reality is that a brutal, criminal and illegal dictatorship is trying, and failing, to crush those who want freedom and justice. The international community cannot be neutral in the face of evil. That evil must be called what it is, and confronted.

Change is overdue to the framework within which the international community approaches Burma. Twenty years of trying to persuade Burma's generals to reform has not secured any improvement. Forty visits by UN envoys have failed to elicit any change. The warm embrace of the Association of South East Asian Nations (Asean) did not improve the behaviour of the regime towards Burma's citizens whether Christian, Buddhist or Muslim. The regime rules with an iron fist and those under its rule have suffered long enough.

Aung San Suu Kyi and her supporters have time and again offered to dialogue with the regime. They offered a path of reconciliation and non-violent transition. Even as Aung San Suu Kyi stood before the regime's sham court, facing five years' imprisonment, we heard her voice loud and strong. She said: "There could be many opportunities for national reconciliation if all parties so wished."

Burma's generals must now face the consequences of their actions. The detention of Aung San Suu Kyi is as clear a signal as we could get that there will be no chance of reform and that the regime's "road map to democracy", including the call for elections, in 2010, is an obstacle to justice.

A new report from Harvard Law School, Crimes in Burma, commissioned by some of the most respected jurists in international law, has used the UN's own reports to highlight how Burma's generals have committed war crimes and crimes against humanity.

Burma's generals are criminals, and must be treated as such. Than Shwe should be held accountable for abominable atrocities: his soldiers rape ethnic women and children, they torture, mutilate and murder at will. In eastern Burma, more than 3,300 ethnic villages have been destroyed, more than in Darfur. Civilians are deliberately targeted and shot on sight.

Than Shwe spurned the compassion of those willing to provide assistance following Cyclone Nargis. Instead, he conducted a referendum and he declared his undemocratic constitution the victor while victims perished from the cyclone's devastation. These are war crimes and crimes against humanity. Than Shwe and the rest of the generals cannot be allowed to go unpunished. The UN must establish a commission of inquiry, with a view to compiling evidence for prosecution. Failure to do so amounts to complicity with these crimes.




An international arms embargo must also be imposed immediately. Those countries supplying arms to Burma are facilitating these atrocities. Countries across the world must declare their support for a global arms embargo, making it impossible for China to resist such a move at the Security Council.
Aung San Suu Kyi and the people of Burma deserve nothing less than our most strenuous efforts to help them secure their freedom. Every day we must ask ourselves: have we done everything that we can? I pledge that I will not rest until Aung San Suu Kyi, and all the people of Burma, are free. Please join me.
Desmond M Tutu is the former Archbishop of Cape Town and recipient of the Nobel peace prize

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လက္ဗလာထက္ ဦးေႏွာက္ဗလာက ပုိၿပီးရွက္ဖုိ႔ေကာင္းတယ္ [Forum ဂ်ာနယ္]

Posted by ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံဒီမိုကရက္တစ္အင္အားစု On July - 16 - 2009

ကုလအတြင္းေရးမွဴးခ်ဳပ္ မစၥတာ ဘန္ကီမြန္းေတာ့ ျပန္ၿပီး။
‘လက္ဗလာႏွင့္ ျပန္သြားရၿပီး’လုိ႔ မွတ္ခ်က္ေပးသူေတြ မ်ားပါတယ္။ သူ႔ခရီးစဥ္ကုိ အားမလိုအားမရ အေတာ္ပဲျဖစ္ၾကပါတယ္။ အားမလိုအားမရ ျဖစ္သူမ်ားကုိလည္း အဆုိးမဆုိသာဘူး။
ဘာေၾကာင့္ဆုိ မစၥတာ ဘန္ကီမြန္း ေထာက္ျပတဲ့ အခ်က္ (၃)ခ်က္၊ ေျပာရရင္ မစၥတာ ဘန္ကီမြန္း ေဆာင္ရြက္ေပးခ်င္တဲ့ မစ္ရွင္ (၃)ခု။
လက္ေတြ႔မွာ ဘာဆုိဘာမွ မရခဲ့ဘူး ျဖစ္ခဲ့ေပတာကုိး။
ၾကည့္ဦးေလ -
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးကုိ ေဆာင္ရြက္ေပးႏုိင္ဖုိ႔ ေနေနသာသာ ေတြ႔ခြင့္အႀကိမ္ႀကိမ္ေတာင္းတာေတာင္ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊရဲ႕ ေခါင္းအခါကုိ ခံခဲ့ရတာပါ။
၉၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ အႏုိင္ရပါတီမ်ားႏွင့္ ေတြ႔ခြင့္ေပးေတာ့လည္း ၾကည့္ဦး။
တပါတီစီက တင္ျပခြင့္ (၂) မိနစ္စီတဲ့။
အမ်ဳိးသားဒီမုိကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္က လံုး၀မသင့္ေလ်ာ္ေၾကာင္း၊ သီးျခားေတြ႔ဖုိ႔လုိေၾကာင္း ေထာက္ျပမွ အိပ္ခန္းမွာ (၁၀)မိနစ္ ထပ္ေတြ႔ခြင့္ရခဲ့တယ္။
ဒီလုိ အႏုိင္ရပါတီႀကီးေတြကုိ (၂)မိနစ္စီပဲ စကားေျပာခြင့္ေပးတာက ဒီမစ္ရွင္ (၃)ရပ္ကုိ ကုိင္လာတဲ့ အတြင္းေရးမွဴးခ်ဳပ္ရဲ႕ အစီအမံလုိ႔ က်ေနာ္လံုး၀မယူဆဘူး။ ဒါဟာ ဗုိလ္သန္းေရႊရဲ႕ အစီအမံသက္သက္မွ်သာ ျဖစ္တယ္။
ဒါေပမယ့္ ဒါကုိ သူ ျငင္းခြင့္မရိွခဲ့ဘူး။ မျငင္းႏုိင္ခဲ့ဘူး။
အပစ္ရပ္အင္အားစုေတြႏွင့္ ေတြ႔မယ္ဆိုျပန္ေတာ့လည္း လက္ညွိဳးေထာင္၊ ေခါင္းညိမ့္အဖြဲ႔ေတြ၊ အားမတန္လုိ႔ မာန္ခ်ထားရတဲ့ သူေတြ၊ ယံုလုိ႔ျဖစ္ေစ၊ ပေယာဂ တစံုတရာေၾကာင့္ျဖစ္ေစ ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲအေပၚ ပေဒသာပင္ေပါက္သလုိ ေျပာဆုိ၀ံ့သူေတြႏွင့္ပဲ ေရြးၿပီး ေတြ႔ခြင့္ျပဳခဲ့သည္။
ဒါဟာ …
ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊရဲ႕ ဇယားေတြပါ။ ဗုိလ္သန္းေရႊ ေရႊ႕ခ်င္သလုိ ေရႊ႕ထားတဲ့ အကြက္ေတြျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ဒါကုိ ကမၻာပတ္ေနတဲ့ နားႀကီး မ်က္စိႀကီး အတြင္းေရးမွဴးခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးက မသိ ဘယ္မွာရိွပါ့မလဲ။
မုခ် သိပါတယ္။ ေသေသခ်ာခ်ာကုိ သိပါတယ္။
သိလုိ႔လည္း သံအမွတ္ေတြ၊ မီဒီယာသမားေတြနဲ႔ ေတြ႔ဆံုတဲ့ပြဲမွာ သူ ‘လူအ မဟုတ္ေၾကာင္း’ တရား၀င္ အတိအလင္း ထုတ္ေဖာ္ေျပာဆုိခဲ့တာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ဗုိလ္သန္းေရႊတုိ႔ကေတာ့ ဒီခရီးစဥ္မွာ အပုိင္ခ်ည္လုိက္ႏုိင္ၿပီလုိ႔ ထင္ေကာင္းထင္ပါလိမ့္မယ္။
ဒါေပမယ့္ ႏုိင္ငံတကာအလယ္မွာ၊ လူတေယာက္အလယ္မွာ ေခါင္းမာၿပီး ဦးေႏွာက္မဲ့သူျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း၊ ဆင္ျခင္တံုတရား ေခါင္းပါးသူျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သူကုိယ္တုိင္ လူသိရွင္ၾကား ၀န္ခံလုိက္သလုိ ျဖစ္သြားတာကုိေတာ့ မူလတန္းကေလးေတာင္ ရိပ္မိႏုိင္ေလာက္ပါတယ္။
မစၥတာ ဘန္ကီမြန္းက လက္ဗလာ ျဖစ္ေကာင္းျဖစ္ပါလိမ့္မယ္။
ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ ဦးေႏွာက္ဗလာျဖစ္တယ္ဆုိတာကုိေတာ့ ဒီခရီးစဥ္က ပုိၿပီးပိုၿပီး
ရွင္းသြားေစတယ္လုိ႔ မွတ္ခ်က္ခ်ခ်င္ပါတယ္။ ။ … [ Forum ဂ်ာနယ္ file ]

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My opinion about this article-The Future of Burma Cannot Be Tied to Aung San Suu Kyi

We Burmese democracy activists do not think sanction is wrong . I believe lifting
sanction is supporting military junta. We know that people are suffering not because
of sanction only,but also very selfishness of military junta mainly.We do not want to hurt this columnist. We agree that everyone have different point of view.
We support Aung San Suu Kyi because she is the only Burmese leader trusted by people
of Burma and all ethnic nationalities.She believe in non- violent activities and democracy.
We support Aung San Suu Kyi because only she can bring national reconciliation together
among our ethnic nationalities.

In solidarity.
Phone Hlaing-FWUBC



Virginia M. MoncrieffInternational Correspondent
Posted: July 15, 2009 10:39 PM

That old chestnut question "name six people you would love to have to dinner" usually holds no surprises. The guest list from many liberal, forward-thinking (and may I also point out -- male) types will include Aung San Suu Kyi. She is regarded as the epitome of elegance and sacrifice. The pinup girl for human rights causes.

And she is amazing.

This seemingly serene and fragile presence, who has been under house arrest for 13 of the past 19 years, has mesmerized us with her martyrdom and noble sacrifice.

But what is all this sacrifice for? What has her house arrest achieved?

It has achieved for Daw Suu (or The Lady as she is known inside Burma) a sometimes self-defeating near-secular saint status. Her position as a figure head who has sacrificed so much has made any chance of sensible debate about Burma almost hopeless. The slightest hint of criticism of her actions brings howls of protest and accusations. (By writing this article I know I will be shouted down). Her selflessness and her symbolism have rendered her beyond and above public criticism among many in the pro-democracy movement and in the greater outside human rights movement.

This is self defeating. No matter how great her sacrifice, the future of one country cannot revolve around the actions and ideas of one person. What has happened to this extraordinary woman is of course criminal. But there are 48 million other Burmese people and they cannot continue to be held captive while the international community listens to, and complies with Daw Suu's policies of sanctions.

Daw Suu's strategy is fundamentally flawed. By maintaining that the regime must be isolated and that Burma must be the target of stringent sanctions only helps the junta reverse further into mad "behind-the-wall" strategies; she is penalizing the very people she aims to assist. Many pro-democracy activists (both inside and outside the country) who strongly support Daw Suu as a figurehead believe she is wrong about sanctions but such is her position, they often decline to say so publicly. And such is her status, that no one in a better and more practical position to try and negotiate Burma moving forward will take the reins from her.

The main battle cry of the National League of Democracy is the restitution of the 1990 election results, when they were overwhelmingly elected. That bird has flown. Nearly 20 years later it is time to come up with some other arguments, definitive strategies, a move towards the negotiation table. Saying "no" to every offer from the junta is simply daft. (Daw Suu's flat out refusal -- without wide consultation -- to refuse the junta's civilian parliament offer was completely mystifying. Her rejection of negotiating anything gets Burma precisely nowhere).

Everything about Daw Suu's cause is just, but some new fresh thinking must be found, some shirking off the old "absolutely no negotiation" policies.

As her sham subversion trial nears its end (in a pretense of due process, "closing arguments" will be heard on July 24) there are few who hold out hope for a not guilty decision for Daw Suu. It would be extraordinary if the junta did a volte-face and miraculously decided that she had no case to answer. We need to free Aung San Suu Kyi. But free or not, we must start talking about the other 48 million Burmese.

Aung San Suu Kyi
Burma

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/virginia-moncrieff/the-future-of-burma-canno_b_234757.html#comments

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