To
Mr. Ban Ki-moon
General Secretary
The United Nations
Dated – 3-8-2010
Dear Mr. Ban Ki-moon,
First of all, we would like to let you know that our Burmese people would be suffering more
grievances evidently because of the gross violation of human rights and lack of rule of law
under the Burmese dictatorial regime and there will be a bigger burden on the shoulders of
international community including the United Nations as long as all of us cannot set the
following targets in Burma’s political affairs -
1. the current regime should recognize Burma’s 1990 election result appropriately;
2. all concerned parties should amend the 2008 Constitution to be compatible with a
democratic standard,
3. all political prisoners including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi should be released immediately
and unconditionally, and
4. all inclusive dialogue for national reconciliation should be launched immediately.
Without implementing such targets, it is very clear that we cannot make political progress to
change Burma as a democratic nation.
The Burmese regime was completely ignorant of the above-mentioned targets; instead, it
continued to announce its one-sided 2010 Election Law based on the so-undemocratic 2008
Constitution. It should be well aware that any election in accordance with such election law
cannot be considered a free and fair election which the UN and international community have
long expected.
If the current Burmese regime holds an election desperately without the above-mentioned
important political process, as this will not certainly be the much needed one that our
Burmese people and international community including the UN, we request you to use your
good office to leverage the United Nations not to recognize the result of such election.
In addition to these political affairs, we strongly urge you to consider without delay a report
from Mr. Tomás Ojea Quintana, the UN Special Rapporteur on human rights in Burma, in
which he has recommended that the UN should consider establishing a Commission of
Inquiry into war crimes and crimes against humanity by the Burmese government.
2
As the IAEA has planned to play a big role in insuring that nuclear materials do not fall into
the wrong hands, we again request you to take necessary measure against the Burmese
junta who has been aiming to develop nuclear weapons despite being a member of the
nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), a global anti-nuclear arms pact, and of the IAEA.
Finally, we would like to let you know that there will be no economic development for our
Burmese people but only for the unnecessarily longer dictatorship in Burma when Daewoo
Group, a major conglomerate from your native South Korea, has invested extremely in Burma
and collaborated with the junta leaders for their bilateral self-interest.
May you be well during your official trip to Japan!
From:
Burmese democratic forces in Japan
N.B. We are individuals and groups of pro-democracy Burmese community in Japan.
Letter to His Excellency Ban Ki-moon-General Secretary, The United Nations
ဂ်ပန္ႏိုင္ငံေရာက္ ကုလသမဂၢ အေထြေထြအတြင္းေရးမႉးခ်ဳပ္ ဘန္ကီမြန္းအား တိုက္တြန္းေတာင္းဆိုသည့္ လႈပ္ရွားမႈ
Tuesday, August 3, 2010
ဂ်ပန္ႏိုင္ငံေရာက္ ကုလသမဂၢ အေထြေထြအတြင္းေရးမႉးခ်ဳပ္ ဘန္ကီမြန္းအား တိုက္တြန္းေတာင္းဆိုသည့္ လႈပ္ရွားမႈ
ဂ်ပန္ႏိုင္ငံ ဟီရိုရွီးမားၿမိဳ့ႏွင့္ နာဂါဆာကီးၿမိဳ့မ်ားတြင္ က်င္းပရန္ရွိသည့္ Peace Memorial ႏွစ္ပတ္လည္ အခမ္းအနားသို႔ တက္ေရာက္လာမည့္ ကုလသမဂၢ အေထြေထြအတြင္းေရးမႉးခ်ဳပ္ ဘန္ကီမြန္းအား ဂ်ပန္ႏိုင္ငံေရာက္ ျမန္မာ့ဒီမိုကေရစီ အင္အားစုတို႔မွ ျမန္မာ့အေရးႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ တိုက္တြန္း ေတာင္းဆိုသည့္ လႈပ္ရွားမႈတရပ္ကို တိုက်ိဳ Shibuya UN House ေရွ႔၌ ယေန႔ ညေန ၃း၀၀ နာရီ မွ ၄း၀၀ နာရီအထိ က်င္းပျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့ပါသည္။
အေထြေထြအတြင္းေရးမႉးခ်ဳပ္ ဘန္ကီမြန္းအား ျမန္မာ့အေရးႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္သည့္ တိုက္တြန္း ေတာင္းဆိုသည့္စာကို ကုလသမဂၢရုံး(ဂ်ပန္)တာ၀န္ရွိသူ Mr.KAWADE NOBUYUKI မွလကၡံရယူေပးခဲ့ပါသည္။ တိုက္တြန္း ေတာင္းဆိုသည့္စာတြင္ လက္ရွိ ျမန္မာႏိူင္ငံ၏ အေထြေထြ အက်ပ္အတည္းမ်ားကို ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းစြာ ေျဖရွင္းႏိုင္ရန္အတြက္ ေရႊဂံုတိုင္ ေၾကညာစာတမ္းပါ အခ်က္မ်ားကို ဂ်ပန္ႏိုင္ငံေရာက္ ျမန္မာ့ဒီမိုကေရစီ အင္အားစုတို႔မွ အဓိကထားၿပီး တိုက္တြန္း ေတာင္းဆိုထားပါသည္။
ေရႊဂံုတိုင္ ေၾကညာစာတမ္းပါ ေတာင္းဆိုခ်က္မ်ားကို နအဖ စစ္အာဏာပိုင္တို႔က လံုးဝ လစ္လ်ဴရႈကာ ၂ဝ၁ဝ မတ္လတြင္ ၎တို႔စိတ္ႀကိဳက္ တဘက္သပ္ ေရးဆြဲထားေသာ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ဥပေဒမွာ ဒီမိုကေရစီ စံႏႈန္းမ်ား မျပည့္စံုဘဲ ရွိေနသျဖင့္ ကုလသမဂၢႏွင့္ ႏိုင္ငံတကာမွ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ထားသည့္ ဒီမိုကေရစီ အသြင္ေျပာင္းေရးအတြက္ လြတ္လပ္၍ တရားမွ်တေသာ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ျဖစ္မလာႏိုင္ေၾကာင္းကိုလည္း ဘန္ကီမြန္းအား တပ္မွန္ၿပီး အသိေပးျခင္းျဖစ္ပါသည္။ တိုက္တြန္းေတာင္းဆိုမႈမ်ားကို လစ္လ်ဴရႈလ်က္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲကို ဇြတ္အတင္း က်င္းပလာမည္ ဆိုပါက ကုလသမဂၢ အပါအဝင္ ႏိုင္ငံတကာက အလိုရွိအပ္ေသာ ဒီမိုကေရစီ အသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းျခင္း မဟုတ္သျဖင့္ အဆိုပါ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ၏ ရလဒ္ကို ကုလသမဂၢမွ အသိအမွတ္ မျပဳရန္ ဘန္ကီမြန္းအား တိုက္တြန္းေတာင္းဆိုခဲ့ပါသည္။
အထက္ေဖာ္ျပပါ ႏိုင္ငံေရးကိစၥမ်ားအျပင္ ျမန္မာနအဖ စစ္အစိုးရမွ အႀကီးအက်ယ္ က်ဴးလြန္ေနေသာ စစ္ရာဇဝတ္မႈမ်ား (war crimes) ႏွင့္ လူသားမ်ားအေပၚ က်ဴးလြန္သည့္ ရာဇဝတ္မႈမ်ား(crimes against humanity) ကို စံုစမ္းစစ္ေဆးရန္ ေကာ္မရွင္တရပ္ ဖြဲ႔စည္းေရးကို ကုလသမဂၢမွ သံုးသပ္ စဥ္းစားသင့္ေၾကာင္း ကုလသမဂၢ အထူးကိုယ္စားလွယ္ Tomas Ojea Quintana ၏ အစီရင္ခံစာကို ဘန္ကီမြန္းမွ အေလးအနက္ထားကာ အေရးယူ ေဆာင္ရြက္ေပးသင့္ေၾကာင္းႏွင့္ သံသယျဖစ္ဖြယ္ရာ အႏုျမဴလက္နက္မ်ားကို ထုတ္လုပ္ရန္ ၾကံစည္ႀကိဳးပမ္းေနျခင္းကို ကုလသမဂၢအေနျဖင့္ လစ္လ်ဴမရႈပဲ လိုအပ္သလို အေရးယူ တားဆီးေပးရန္ စသည့္အခ်က္မ်ားကိုပါ ထည့္သြင္းေတာင္းဆိုထားေၾကာင္း သိရွိရပါသည္။တိုက္တြန္းေတာင္းဆိုသည့္ အခမ္းအနားတြင္ ဂ်ပန္ႏိုင္ငံေရာက္ ျမန္မာ့ဒီမိုကေရစီ အင္အားစု စုစုေပါင္း ၉၀ ခန္႔ ပူးေပါင္း ပါ၀င္ခဲ့ၾကေၾကာင္း သိရွိရပါသည္။
သတင္းမွတ္တမ္း ။ Mai Kyaw Oo
မွတ္တမ္းဓါတ္ပုံ ။ Lian Khan Sum(CNC-Japan)
Posted by PNSjapan at 6:02 AM
Labels: သတင္း
UN experts say NKorea is exporting nuke technology
By EDITH M. LEDERER, Associated Press Writer Edith M. Lederer, Associated Press Writer – Fri May 28, 2:38 am ET
UNITED NATIONS – North Korea is exporting nuclear and ballistic missile technology and using multiple intermediaries, shell companies and overseas criminal networks to circumvent U.N. sanctions, U.N. experts said in a report obtained by The Associated Press.
The seven-member panel monitoring the implementation of sanctions against North Korea said its research indicates that Pyongyang is involved in banned nuclear and ballistic activities in Iran, Syria and Myanmar. It called for further study of these suspected activities and urged all countries to try to prevent them.
The 47-page report, obtained late Thursday by AP, and a lengthy annex document sanctions violations reported by U.N. member states, including four cases involving arms exports and two seizures of luxury goods by Italy — two yachts and high-end recording and video equipment. The report also details the broad range of techniques that North Korea is using to try to evade sanctions imposed by the U.N. Security Council after its two nuclear tests in 2006 and 2009.
Council diplomats discussed the report by the experts from Britain, Japan, the United States, France, South Korea, Russia and China at a closed-door meeting on Thursday.
Its release happened to coincide with heightened tensions between North Korea and South Korea over the March sinking of a South Korean navy ship which killed 46 sailors. The council is waiting for South Korea to decide what action it wants the U.N.'s most powerful body to take in response to the sinking, which a multinational investigation determined was caused by a North Korean torpedo.
The panel of experts said there is general agreement that the U.N. embargoes on nuclear and ballistic missile related items and technology, on arms exports and imports except light weapons, and on luxury goods, are having an impact.
But it said the list of eight entities and five individuals currently subject to an asset freeze and travel ban seriously understates those known to be engaged in banned activities and called for additional names to be added. It noted that North Korea moved quickly to have other companies take over activities of the eight banned entities.
The experts said an analysis of the four North Korean attempts to illegally export arms revealed that Pyongyang used "a number of masking techniques" to avoid sanctions. They include providing false descriptions and mislabeling of the contents of shipping containers, falsifying the manifest and information about the origin and destination of the goods, "and use of multiple layers of intermediaries, shell companies, and financial institutions," the panel said.
It noted that a chartered jet intercepted in Thailand in December carrying 35 tons of conventional weapons including surface-to-air missiles from North Korea was owned by a company in the United Arab Emirates, registered in Georgia, leased to a shell company registered in New Zealand and then chartered to another shell company registered in Hong Kong — which may have been an attempt to mask its destination.
North Korea is also concealing arms exports by shipping components in kits for assembly overseas, the experts said.
As one example, the panel said it learned after North Korean military equipment was seized at Durban harbor in South Africa that scores of technicians from the North had gone to the Republic of Congo, where the equipment was to have been assembled.
The experts called for "extra vigilance" at the first overseas port handling North Korean cargo and close monitoring of airplanes flying from the North, saying Pyongyang is believed to use air cargo "to handle high valued and sensitive arms exports."
While North Korea maintains a wide network of trade offices which do legitimate business as well as most of the country's illicit trade and covert acquisitions, the panel said Pyongyang "has also established links with overseas criminal networks to carry out these activities, including the transportation and distribution of illicit and smuggled cargoes."
This may also include goods related to weapons of mass destruction and arms, it added.
Under council resolutions, all countries are required to submit reports on what they are doing to implement sanctions but as of April 30 the panel said it had still not heard from 112 of the 192 U.N. member states — including 51 in Africa, 28 in Asia, and 25 in Latin America and the Caribbean.
While no country reported on nuclear or ballistic missile-related imports or exports from North Korea since the second sanctions resolution was adopted last June, the panel said it reviewed several U.S. and French government assessments, reports from the International Atomic Energy Agency, research papers and media reports indicating Pyongyang's continuing involvement in such activities.
These reports indicate North Korea "has continued to provide missiles, components, and technology to certain countries including Iran and Syria ... (and) has provided assistance for a nuclear program in Syria, including the design and construction of a thermal reactor at Dair Alzour," the panel said.
Syria denied the allegations in a letter to the IAEA, but the U.N. nuclear agency is still trying to obtain reports on the site and its activities, the panel said.
The experts said they are also looking into "suspicious activity in Myanmar," including activities of Namchongang Trading, one of the companies subject to U.N. sanctions, and reports that Japan in June 2009 arrested three individuals for attempting to illegally export a magnetometer — which measures magnetic fields — to Myanmar via Malaysia allegedly under the direction of a company known to be associated with illicit procurement for North Korea's nuclear and military programs. The company was not identified.
လက္ဗလာထက္ ဦးေႏွာက္ဗလာက ပုိၿပီးရွက္ဖုိ႔ေကာင္းတယ္ [Forum ဂ်ာနယ္]
Posted by ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံဒီမိုကရက္တစ္အင္အားစု On July - 16 - 2009
ကုလအတြင္းေရးမွဴးခ်ဳပ္ မစၥတာ ဘန္ကီမြန္းေတာ့ ျပန္ၿပီး။
‘လက္ဗလာႏွင့္ ျပန္သြားရၿပီး’လုိ႔ မွတ္ခ်က္ေပးသူေတြ မ်ားပါတယ္။ သူ႔ခရီးစဥ္ကုိ အားမလိုအားမရ အေတာ္ပဲျဖစ္ၾကပါတယ္။ အားမလိုအားမရ ျဖစ္သူမ်ားကုိလည္း အဆုိးမဆုိသာဘူး။
ဘာေၾကာင့္ဆုိ မစၥတာ ဘန္ကီမြန္း ေထာက္ျပတဲ့ အခ်က္ (၃)ခ်က္၊ ေျပာရရင္ မစၥတာ ဘန္ကီမြန္း ေဆာင္ရြက္ေပးခ်င္တဲ့ မစ္ရွင္ (၃)ခု။
လက္ေတြ႔မွာ ဘာဆုိဘာမွ မရခဲ့ဘူး ျဖစ္ခဲ့ေပတာကုိး။
ၾကည့္ဦးေလ -
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးကုိ ေဆာင္ရြက္ေပးႏုိင္ဖုိ႔ ေနေနသာသာ ေတြ႔ခြင့္အႀကိမ္ႀကိမ္ေတာင္းတာေတာင္ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊရဲ႕ ေခါင္းအခါကုိ ခံခဲ့ရတာပါ။
၉၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ အႏုိင္ရပါတီမ်ားႏွင့္ ေတြ႔ခြင့္ေပးေတာ့လည္း ၾကည့္ဦး။
တပါတီစီက တင္ျပခြင့္ (၂) မိနစ္စီတဲ့။
အမ်ဳိးသားဒီမုိကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္က လံုး၀မသင့္ေလ်ာ္ေၾကာင္း၊ သီးျခားေတြ႔ဖုိ႔လုိေၾကာင္း ေထာက္ျပမွ အိပ္ခန္းမွာ (၁၀)မိနစ္ ထပ္ေတြ႔ခြင့္ရခဲ့တယ္။
ဒီလုိ အႏုိင္ရပါတီႀကီးေတြကုိ (၂)မိနစ္စီပဲ စကားေျပာခြင့္ေပးတာက ဒီမစ္ရွင္ (၃)ရပ္ကုိ ကုိင္လာတဲ့ အတြင္းေရးမွဴးခ်ဳပ္ရဲ႕ အစီအမံလုိ႔ က်ေနာ္လံုး၀မယူဆဘူး။ ဒါဟာ ဗုိလ္သန္းေရႊရဲ႕ အစီအမံသက္သက္မွ်သာ ျဖစ္တယ္။
ဒါေပမယ့္ ဒါကုိ သူ ျငင္းခြင့္မရိွခဲ့ဘူး။ မျငင္းႏုိင္ခဲ့ဘူး။
အပစ္ရပ္အင္အားစုေတြႏွင့္ ေတြ႔မယ္ဆိုျပန္ေတာ့လည္း လက္ညွိဳးေထာင္၊ ေခါင္းညိမ့္အဖြဲ႔ေတြ၊ အားမတန္လုိ႔ မာန္ခ်ထားရတဲ့ သူေတြ၊ ယံုလုိ႔ျဖစ္ေစ၊ ပေယာဂ တစံုတရာေၾကာင့္ျဖစ္ေစ ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲအေပၚ ပေဒသာပင္ေပါက္သလုိ ေျပာဆုိ၀ံ့သူေတြႏွင့္ပဲ ေရြးၿပီး ေတြ႔ခြင့္ျပဳခဲ့သည္။
ဒါဟာ …
ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊရဲ႕ ဇယားေတြပါ။ ဗုိလ္သန္းေရႊ ေရႊ႕ခ်င္သလုိ ေရႊ႕ထားတဲ့ အကြက္ေတြျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ဒါကုိ ကမၻာပတ္ေနတဲ့ နားႀကီး မ်က္စိႀကီး အတြင္းေရးမွဴးခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးက မသိ ဘယ္မွာရိွပါ့မလဲ။
မုခ် သိပါတယ္။ ေသေသခ်ာခ်ာကုိ သိပါတယ္။
သိလုိ႔လည္း သံအမွတ္ေတြ၊ မီဒီယာသမားေတြနဲ႔ ေတြ႔ဆံုတဲ့ပြဲမွာ သူ ‘လူအ မဟုတ္ေၾကာင္း’ တရား၀င္ အတိအလင္း ထုတ္ေဖာ္ေျပာဆုိခဲ့တာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ဗုိလ္သန္းေရႊတုိ႔ကေတာ့ ဒီခရီးစဥ္မွာ အပုိင္ခ်ည္လုိက္ႏုိင္ၿပီလုိ႔ ထင္ေကာင္းထင္ပါလိမ့္မယ္။
ဒါေပမယ့္ ႏုိင္ငံတကာအလယ္မွာ၊ လူတေယာက္အလယ္မွာ ေခါင္းမာၿပီး ဦးေႏွာက္မဲ့သူျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း၊ ဆင္ျခင္တံုတရား ေခါင္းပါးသူျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သူကုိယ္တုိင္ လူသိရွင္ၾကား ၀န္ခံလုိက္သလုိ ျဖစ္သြားတာကုိေတာ့ မူလတန္းကေလးေတာင္ ရိပ္မိႏုိင္ေလာက္ပါတယ္။
မစၥတာ ဘန္ကီမြန္းက လက္ဗလာ ျဖစ္ေကာင္းျဖစ္ပါလိမ့္မယ္။
ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ ဦးေႏွာက္ဗလာျဖစ္တယ္ဆုိတာကုိေတာ့ ဒီခရီးစဥ္က ပုိၿပီးပိုၿပီး
ရွင္းသြားေစတယ္လုိ႔ မွတ္ခ်က္ခ်ခ်င္ပါတယ္။ ။ … [ Forum ဂ်ာနယ္ file ]
Shut out in Burma
Shut out in Burma
(Jul 13, 2009)
True to form, Burma's military dictator, General Than Shwe, showed only disdain when UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon visited that tortured land (also known as Myanmar) 10 days ago. Than Shwe and the other four generals in the ruling junta denied Ban's requests for a democratic evolution.
To his credit, Ban spoke out afterward, asking, "How much longer can Burma afford to wait for national reconciliation, democratic transition and full respect for human rights?"
Now that he has experienced the junta leader's inflexibility firsthand, Ban must confront the question: What can the world body do to help liberate the people of Burma?
The narco-trafficking regime there has forced people into labour, used systematic rape as a weapon of war, and conducted brutal army offences that uprooted hundreds of thousands of people from minority ethnic groups.
Ban had the right idea. Upon arriving in Burma, he planned to ask for the release of Nobel Peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi and 2,100 other political prisoners.
He would call for reconciliation with Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy, landslide winners of Burma's last free election in 1990, a mandate the junta never honoured. Ban also wanted to foster humanitarian aid and economic development.
But after Than Shwe refused to cede to any of these requests, Ban got the message.
"Neither peace nor development can thrive without democracy and respect for human rights," he told diplomats and aid agencies.
Ban is mistaken, however, if he thinks that proper monitoring will legitimize an election scheduled for 2010 -- an exercise rigged to perpetuate military rule with a civilian patina. Burmese democratic activist Win Tin has observed that the true barrier to democracy in Burma is not the mechanics of next year's balloting but the junta's "unjust constitution." That document bars Suu Kyi from participating, reserves 25 per cent of seats in parliament for the military, and practically guarantees the generals and their cronies an overwhelming majority
If Ban really wants to help the people of Burma, he should side with the 55 members of the U.S. Congress who recently signed a letter to President Barack Obama urging him "to take the lead in establishing a United Nations Security Council Commission of Inquiry into the Burmese military regime's crimes against humanity and war crimes against its civilian population."
Such commissions were instituted for Rwanda and Darfur. Nothing less is needed if the UN, that would-be parliament of nations, is to fulfil its commitment to protect the peoples of the world from criminal rulers.
http://www.thespec.com/Opinions/article/598938
China opposes putting Myanmar question on UN Security Council agenda: diplomat
08:29, July 14, 2009
China is opposed to putting the Myanmar question on the UN Security Council agenda and is against isolating and sanctioning against the country, a senior Chinese diplomat said here on Monday, stressing the events that happened inside Myanmar were its internal affairs.
"We believe that the events happened inside Myanmar are the internal affairs of Myanmar itself, which should be handled by its own government and people in consultation," Liu Zhenmin, China's deputy permanent representative to the UN, said at an open Security Council meeting on Myanmar.
The situation in Myanmar has not posed any threat to international or regional peace and security, Liu said.
"China has explicitly opposed the inclusion of the Myanmar question on the Security Council agenda. And we are against the policy of isolating and sanctioning against Myanmar," he told the 15-member Council. "That position of China has remained unchanged."
UN Secretary-general Ban Ki-moon briefed the Security Council at the meeting on his latest visit to the southeastern Asian country earlier this month, the second in just over a year.
Liu said China supports Ban and his special representative Ibrahim Gambari in their continued good offices on the issue.
"It is our sincere hope that the secretary-general's good offices will help Myanmar to achieve domestic stability and national reconciliation and that the United Nations will play a constructive role in helping Myanmar address its economic, social and humanitarian and human rights issues," said the ambassador.
He said that China has been and will be helping and facilitating the government of Myanmar and its efforts to address the problem in a responsible and constructive manner.
"As Myanmar's friendly neighbor, China will always provide assistance to the government and people of Myanmar within its capability," Liu said, calling on the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and other regional countries to join hands in helping Myanmar out of its current difficulties.
Source: Xinhua
http://english. people.com. cn/90001/ 90776/90883/ 6699703.html
UNSG’s Remarks on Myanmar to Diplomatic Missions, UN Agencies and Non-Governmental Organizations
ျမန္မာဘာသာျပန္ကို အဂၤလိပ္ဘာသာေနာက္တြင္ဆက္လက္ဖတ္ရႈနိုင္ပါသည္
(ဘာသာျပန္၍ေမးပို ့ေပးေသာအန္ကယ္ဦးေမာင္ေမာင္လွႀကိဳင္အားေက်းဇူးအထူးတင္ရိွပါသည္)
Excellencies,
Distinguished guests and colleagues
Ladies and Gentlemen,
This is my second visit to Myanmar in just over a year. Both visits have been at critical times for the country's future.
My first visit was in the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis. This devastating natural disaster, which took so many lives and created so much hardship, touched hearts across the globe. In Myanmar's moment of need, the world responded generously.
I want to personally thank everyone here today for your remarkable contributions to the relief and recovery effort.
You have saved lives, rejuvenated communities and made it possible for many thousands of people to reclaim their livelihoods. You have helped Myanmar to overcome adversity. It is important that this work continues.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I felt the tragedy of Cyclone Nargis deeply -- as a fellow Asian and as Secretary-General.
I am Asia's second Secretary-General. The first was Myanmar''s U Thant. I revere his memory. I also recall his wise words.
U Thant said: “The worth of the individual human being is the most unique and precious of all our assets and must be the beginning and end of all our efforts. Governments, systems, ideologies and institutions come and go, but humanity remains.”
This is why I have returned.
As Secretary-General, I attach the highest importance to helping the people of this country to achieve their legitimate aspirations.
The United Nations works for people – their rights, their well-being, their dignity. It is not an option. It is our responsibility.
I have come to show the unequivocal shared commitment of the United Nations to the people of Myanmar.
I am here today to say: Myanmar – you are not alone.
We want to work with you for a united, peaceful, prosperous, democratic and modern Myanmar.
We want to help you rise from poverty.
We want to work with you so your country can take its place as a respected and responsible member of the international community.
We want to help you achieve national reconciliation, durable peace and sustainable development.
But, let me emphasize: neither peace nor development can thrive without democracy and respect for human rights.
Myanmar is no exception.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
The challenges are many. But they are not insurmountable.
We know from experience that securing Myanmar's peaceful, democratic and prosperous future is a complex process.
None of Myanmar's challenges can be solved on their own. Peace, development and human rights are closely inter-related.
Failure to address them with equal attention will risk undermining the prospects for democracy, durable peace and prosperity.
However, we also know that where there is a genuine will for dialogue and reconciliation, all obstacles can be overcome.
The question today is this: how much longer can Myanmar afford to wait for national reconciliation, democratic transition and full respect for human rights?
The cost of delay will be counted in wasted lives, lost opportunities and prolonged isolation from the international community.
Let me be clear: all the people of Myanmar must work in the national interest.
I said this yesterday when I met with representatives of Myanmar's registered political parties and with those armed groups that have chosen to observe a cease-fire. I encouraged them respectively to honour their commitments to the democratic process and peace.
Nonetheless, the primary responsibility lies with the Government to move the country towards its stated goals of national reconciliation and democracy.
Failure to do so will prevent the people of Myanmar from realizing their full potential.
Failure to do so will deny the people of Myanmar their right to live in dignity and to pursue better standards of life in larger freedom.
These principles lie at the core of the United Nations Charter, whose opening words are “We the peoples”.
The founding Constitution of independent Myanmar echoes these noble words. We must work together to ensure that Myanmar's future embodies these principles too.
With this in mind, I bring three messages.
First, respect for human dignity is the precondition for peace and development everywhere.
Myanmar was one of the first United Nations Member States to adopt the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
It subscribed early on to the consensus that respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms is indispensable to political, economic and social progress.
Unfortunately, that commitment has not been matched in deed. Myanmar's human rights record remains a matter of grave concern.
The Government has articulated its goals as stability, national reconciliation and democracy.
The upcoming election –the first in twenty years – must be inclusive, participatory and transparent if it is to be credible.
Myanmar's way forward must be rooted in respect for human rights
This is why I say that all political prisoners, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, should be released without delay.
When I met General Than Shwe yesterday and today, I asked to visit Ms. Suu Kyi. I am deeply disappointed that he refused.
I believe the government of Myanmar has lost a unique opportunity to show its commitment to a new era of political openness.
Allowing a visit to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi would have been an important symbol of the government's willingness to embark on the kind of meaningful engagement that will be essential if the elections in 2010 are to be seen as credible.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi must be allowed to participate in the political process without further delay.
Indeed, all the citizens of Myanmar must be given the opportunity to contribute fully to the future of this country.
National reconciliation cannot be complete without the free and active participation of all who seek to contribute.
The country must embark on a process of genuine dialogue that includes all concerned parties, all ethnic groups and all minorities.
People must be free to debate and to engage in political dialogue, and they must have free access to the information that will help them participate meaningfully in the democratic process.
Ladies and gentlemen,
Any transition is difficult. Myanmar has already undergone transitions from sovereign kingdom, to occupied colony, and now independent State.
This history carries a twin legacy of armed conflict and political deadlock, including recent painful events: the repression of demonstrators in 1988, the cancellation of the 1990 election results, and the clampdown on peaceful dissent that continues to this day.
At the same time, there have been some positive efforts that should be recognized.
Although still fragile, the cease-fire agreements between the Government and armed groups have reduced the level of conflict. The United Nations has wide-ranging experience in making such gains irreversible.
Sovereignty, territorial integrity and national unity are legitimate concerns for any government.
We contend that opening and broadening the political space is the best way to ensure that each group and each individual becomes part of the greater collective project.
The military, all political parties, ethnic minority groups, civil society, and indeed every son and daughter of Myanmar has a role to play in this country's transition.
Only mutual compromise, respect and understanding can lay the foundations for durable peace, national reconciliation and democracy.
My second message is on addressing the humanitarian needs of Myanmar's people.
I am glad I have been able to return to see the progress made in the Irrawaddy Delta. The loss of some 130,000 people was tragic, but the rebuilding I saw today was impressive.
The tragedy showed the resilience of the people of Myanmar. It also demonstrated that people throughout the world care deeply about Myanmar and its people.
Above all, the response to Cyclone Nargis proved the value of engagement over isolation.
The unprecedented cooperation between Myanmar, the United Nations and ASEAN through the Tripartite Core Group, with the support of the donor community, has demonstrated that humanitarian imperatives and the principles of sovereignty do not conflict.
Humanitarian assistance -- in Myanmar as elsewhere -- should never be held hostage to political considerations. We can and must work together to ensure access to humanitarian and development assistance to all those in Myanmar who need it.
This brings me to my third message. It is time for Myanmar to unleash its economic potential.
Myanmar sits in the middle of Asia's economic miracle. Harnessing Myanmar to the rapid advances taking place around it is the surest way to raise living standards.
I welcome the Government's policy of opening up to outside trade and investment, and its efforts to achieve the Millennium Development Goals, control HIV, combat human trafficking and curtail opium production.
But the reality is that millions continue to live in poverty. Standards of living in Myanmar remain among the lowest in Asia.
The people of Myanmar need jobs, they need food security and they need access to health care.
We must work to ensure that the people of Myanmar can benefit from and contribute to the regional and global economy.
We must recognize that the region and the world have much to gain from a stable, prosperous and democratic Myanmar. We must work together for that goal.
The Government of Myanmar must seize the moment.
It must take advantage of the opportunities that the international community is prepared to offer to the people of Myanmar.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I came here as a friend.
My duty is to uphold the ideals and principles of the United Nations Charter.
My role is to encourage all of you – the Government, political parties, ethnic groups, civil society – to move forward together as one people and one nation.
Nothing is insurmountable or impossible when the people's interest is placed above divisions.
The region and the world are changing fast. Myanmar only stands to gain from engagement -- and from embarking on its own change.
The Government of Myanmar has repeatedly stated that cooperation with the United Nations is the cornerstone of the country's foreign policy.
We ask it to match deeds with words.
The more Myanmar works in partnership with the United Nations to respond to its people's needs and aspirations, the more it affirms its sovereignty.
Similarly it is incumbent on the international community as whole to work together to help Myanmar meet our shared goals: a united, peaceful, prosperous and democratic future, with full respect for the human rights of all the country's people.
Kyae zoo tin bar tae.
ဂုဏ္သေရ႐ွိ လူႀကီးမင္းမ်ား၊ ဧည့္သည္ေတာ္မ်ားႏွင့္ေရာင္းရင္းမိတ္ေဆြမ်ားခင္ဗ်ား
ဒါဟာ တႏွစ္ေက်ာ္အတြင္း ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံကို ဒုတိယအႀကိမ္ေျမာက္လာေရာက္ျခင္းျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ႏွစ္ႀကိမ္စလုံး ဟာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕အနာဂတ္အတြက္ အေရးႀကီးတဲ့အခ်ိန္မ်ားပင္ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ပထမ ကၽြန္ေတာ္လာေရာက္တဲ့အခ်ိန္ဟာ နာဂစ္မုန္တုိင္း၀င္ေရာက္ၿပီးခ်ိန္အတြင္းျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒီ ေၾကာက္မက္ ဘြယ္သဘာ၀ေဘးအႏၱရာယ္ဟာ အသက္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာကုိယူသြားခဲ့တယ္၊ ၾကမ္းတမ္းတဲ့အေျခအေနေတြကုိလဲ ဖန္တီးခဲ့တယ္၊ တကမၻာလုံးရဲ႕ ႏွလုံးသည္းပြတ္ေတြကုိလဲခံစားရေအာင္လႈပ္ကုိင္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕လုိအပ္ ေနခ်ိန္မွာ ကမၻာက ရက္ရက္ေရာေရာ တုန္႔ျပန္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။
ကယ္ဆယ္ေရးနဲ႔ ျပန္လည္ထူေထာင္ရန္ႀကိဳးပမ္းခ်က္ျဖစ္တဲ့ သင္တုိ႔ရဲ႕ ထင္႐ွားတဲ့ ပ့ံပုိးကူညီမႈမ်ားအတြက္ အား လုံးကုိ ေက်းဇူးတင္႐ိွပါေၾကာင္း ဒီေန႔ ဒီေနရာကေန ပုဂၢိဳလ္ေရးအရ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ ေျပာၾကားလုိပါတယ္။
သင္တုိ႔ဟာ အသက္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာကုိကယ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္၊ လူ႔အသုိင္းအ၀ုိင္းကုိျပန္လည္႐ွင္သန္လန္းဆန္းေစပါတယ္၊ ေထာင္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာေသာျပည္သူေတြကုိ သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕ ေနထုိင္မႈဘ၀မ်ားအား ျပန္လည္အသက္ဆက္ေစႏိုင္ခဲ့ပါ တယ္။
ဂုဏ္သေရ႐ိွလူႀကီးမင္းမ်ားခင္ဗ်ား
အာ႐ွတုိက္သားတေယာက္အေနနဲ႔ေရာ အေထြေထြအတြင္းေရးမႉးခ်ဳပ္အေနနဲ႔ပါ နာဂစ္မုန္တုိင္းဒဏ္ကုိ ေၾက ကြဲစြာခံစားရမိပါတယ္။
ကၽြန္ေတာ္ဟာ အာ႐ွတုိက္ရဲ႕ ဒုတိယေျမာက္အေထြေထြအတြင္းေရးမႉးခ်ဳပ္ပါ။ ပထမေျမာက္ပုဂၢဳိလ္ကေတာ့ ျမန္ မာႏိုင္ငံသား ဦးသန္႔ပါ။ သူ႔ရဲ႕မွတ္ဉာဏ္ကုိ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ ျမတ္ႏိုးၾကည္ညိဳပါတယ္။ သူရဲ႕ပညာ႐ိွစကားကုိလဲ အ မွတ္ရပါတယ္။
ဦးသန္႔ကဆိုမိန္႔ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ “လူသားတဦးခ်င္းစီရဲ႕တန္ဘုိးဟာ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ရဲ႕အဘုိးတန္ပိုင္ဆိုင္မႈေတြအနက္ အလြန္ထူးျခားၿပီး အလြန္တန္ဘုိး႐ိွလွပါတယ္။ အစုိးရမ်ား၊ စံနစ္မ်ား၊ အေတြးအေခၚမ်ားနဲ႔ အသင္းအပင္းအ ဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ား ၀င္လိုက္ ထြက္လုိက္နဲ႔ ျဖစ္ေနေပမင့္ လူသားဂုဏ္ရည္ကေတာ့ ဆက္လက္တည္႐ိွ ေနမွာပါ” တဲ့။
ဒါေၾကာင့္ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ျပန္လာခဲ့တာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
အေထြေထြအတြင္းေရးမႉးခ်ဳပ္အေနနဲ႔ သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕ တရား၀င္ဆႏၵျပင္းျပမႈမ်ားရ႐ိွေစႏိုင္ရန္အတြက္ ဒီႏိုင္ငံျပည္သူ မ်ားအား ကူညီႏိုင္ေရးကုိ အေရးအႀကီးဆုံးအျဖစ္ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ ဦးထိပ္ပန္ဆင္သယ္ေဆာင္လာပါတယ္။
ကုလသမဂၢဟာ လူအမ်ားရဲ႕ အခြင့္အေရးမ်ား၊ ခ်မ္းသာသုခမ်ား၊ ဂုဏ္အ႐ိွန္အ၀ါမ်ားအတြက္ ေဆာင္႐ြက္ေပး ေနပါတယ္။ ဒါဟာ စိတ္ႀကိဳက္ေ႐ြးခ်ယ္လုပ္ေပးေနျခင္း မဟုတ္ပါ။ ဒါဟာ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႔ရဲ႕တာ၀န္ပုိင္းပါ။
ကုလသမဂၢရဲ႕ ျပတ္သားၿပီးတာ၀န္ခြဲေ၀ကာ ျပဌာန္းႏွစ္ႁမႇဳပ္ေဆာင္႐ြက္ျခင္းကို ျမန္မာျပည္သူမ်ားအား ျပသ ရန္ကၽြန္ေတာ္လာေရာက္တာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ဒီေန႔ ဒီေနရာမွာ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ေျပာပါရေစ။ ျမန္မာ- သင္သည္ အထီးက်န္မဟုတ္ပါ။
စည္းလုံးညီၫြတ္တဲ့၊ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းတဲ့၊ ေပါႂကြယ္၀တဲ့ ေခတ္သစ္ဒီမုိကေရစီ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံအတြက္ သင္တုိ႔နဲ႔အတူ အလုပ္လုပ္ရန္ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ လုိလားပါတယ္။
ဆင္းရဲတြင္းမွ႐ုန္းထႏိုင္ရန္ သင္တုိ႔ကုိကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ ကူညီလုိပါတယ္။
ႏိုင္ငံတကာအသုိင္းအ၀န္းရဲ႕ ေလးစားခံရတဲ့ တာ၀န္သိတဲ့အဖြဲ႕၀င္ေနရာကုိ သင္တုိ႔ႏိုင္ငံရယူႏိုင္ရန္အတြက္ သင္တုိ႔နဲ႔အတူ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ လုပ္ေဆာင္လုိပါတယ္။
အမ်ဳိးသားျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရး၊ တည္တံ့တဲ့ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးနဲ႔ ေရ႐ွည္ခံ ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးတုိးတက္မႈမ်ားအတြက္ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ တုိ႔ သင္တုိ႔ကုိကူညီလုိပါတယ္။
ဒါေပမင့္ ကၽြန္ေတာ္အေလးအနက္ျပဳေျပာပါရေစ - ဒီမုိကေရစီနဲ႔ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးေလးစားလိုက္နာမႈမ႐ိွလွ်င္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးေသာ္၄င္း၊ ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးတုိးတက္မႈေသာ္၄င္း ႐ွင္သန္မွာမဟုတ္ပါဘူး။
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံဟာ ခၽြင္းခ်က္မဟုတ္ပါ။
ဂုဏ္သေရ႐ိွလူႀကီးမင္းမ်ားခင္ဗ်ား
စိန္ေခၚမႈေတြက အမ်ားႀကီးပါ။ ဒါေပမင့္ ေက်ာ္လႊားလုိ႔မရႏိုင္တာေတာ့ မဟုတ္ပါ။
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းတဲ့၊ ဒီမုိကေရစီစံနစ္႐ိွတဲ့ သာယာ၀ေျပာ ေပါႂကြယ္၀တဲ့အနာဂတ္ကုိ ကာကြယ္ထိန္းသိမ္း ရမဲ့ကိစၥဟာ ႐ႈပ္ေထြးတဲ့လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း အေတြ႕အႀကဳံမ်ားအရ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ သိ႐ိွရပါတယ္။
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံအတြက္ မည္သည့္ စိန္ေခၚမႈကုိမဆုိ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံခ်ည္းသက္သက္ မေျဖ႐ွင္းႏိုင္ပါ။ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး၊ ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးတုိးတက္ေရးနဲ႔ လူအခြင့္အေရးဟာ အျပန္အလွန္ ႏြယ္႐ွက္ ဆက္စပ္ေနပါတယ္။
ဒီအခ်က္ေတြကုိ တူညီတဲ့အာ႐ုံစုိက္ အေလးထားမႈမ႐ိွပဲ ေျပာဆုိေဆာင္႐ြက္ျခင္းဟာ ဒီမိုကေရစီေရး၊ တည္တ့ံ တဲ့ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးနဲ႔ သာယာ၀ေျပာေရးတုိ႔ရဲ႕ အလားအလာေကာင္းျခင္းကုိ ေမွးမွိန္ ေသးသိမ္ေစပါတယ္။
ဒါေပမင့္၊ ေတြ႕ဆုံေဆြးေႏြးေရးနဲ႔ျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရးအတြက္ စစ္မွန္တဲ့ဆႏၵ႐ိွမယ္ဆုိရင္ အခက္အခဲအားလုံး ကုိ ေက်ာ္လႊားေအာင္ျမင္မွာပါ။
‘အမ်ဳိးသားျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရး၊ ဒီမုိကေရစီအသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းေရးနဲ႔ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးကုိ အျပည့္အ၀ အေလးထားေရးအတြက္ ေစာင့္ဆုိင္းဘုိ႔ ျမန္မာဟာအခ်ိန္ဘယ္ေလာက္ၾကာၾကာႀကိဳးပမ္းႏိုင္မွာလဲ’ ဆုိတာဟာ ယေန႔ေမးခြန္းျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ကၽြန္ေတာ္ ႐ွင္းလင္းေျပာျပပါရေစ။ အမ်ဳိးသားေရးအတြက္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသားအားလုံး ေဆာင္ရြက္ရမွာျဖစ္ပါ တယ္။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕ မွတ္ပုံတင္ထားတဲ့ႏိုင္ငံေရးပါတီမ်ားမွကုိယ္စားလွယ္မ်ားနဲ႔ အပစ္အခတ္ရပ္စဲေရးေလ့လာ ေနတဲ့ လက္နက္ကုိင္အုပ္စုမ်ားနဲ႔ ယမန္ေန႔ကေတြ႕ခဲ့စဥ္မွာ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ေျပာခဲ့တာပါ။ ဒီမိုကေရစီလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္နဲ႔ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးအတြက္ သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕ ျပဌာန္းႀကိဳးပမ္းမႈကုိ ဂုဏ္ျပဳရန္အတြက္ သီးျခားစီ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ ေျပာၾကားအားေပး ခဲ့တာပါ။
သုိ႔ေသာ္၊ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံကုိ ေျမာ္မွန္းထားတဲ့ အမ်ဳိးသားျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရးနဲ႔ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ရည္မွန္းခ်က္ပန္းတိုင္ မ်ားကိုေရာက္႐ိွရန္ အဓိကတာ၀န္မွာ ႏိုင္ငံ့အစုိးရေပၚက်ေရာက္လ်က္႐ိွေနပါတယ္။
ဒီတာ၀န္မ်ားကုိေက်ပြန္စြာမေဆာင္႐ြက္ႏိုင္လွ်င္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသားမ်ားအား သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕ ‘စြမ္းရည္ အျပည့္အ၀ကုိ နား လည္သေဘာေပါက္ျခင္း’ မွ ဟန္႔တားထားရာေရာက္ပါလိမ့္မယ္။
ဒီတာ၀န္မ်ားကုိေက်ပြန္စြာမေဆာင္႐ြက္ႏိုင္လွ်င္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသားမ်ားရဲ႕ ဂုဏ္သေရ႐ိွစြာေနထုိင္ႏိုင္ခြင့္နဲ႔ ပုိမုိ လြတ္လပ္မႈျဖင့္ သာလြန္ေကာင္းမြန္တဲ့ လူမႈအဆင့္အတန္းမ်ားခံစားခြင့္ကုိ ျငင္းပယ္ရာေရာက္ပါလိမ့္မယ္။
ဒီ အေျခခံစည္းမ်ဥ္းမ်ားဟာ ‘ကၽြႏု္ပ္တုိ႔သည္ ျပည္သူမ်ားျဖစ္ၾကသည္’ ဆုိတဲ့စကားမ်ားျဖင့္ အဖြင့္နိဒါန္းခ်ီထား တဲ့ ကုလသမဂၢပဋိဉာဥ္စာတမ္းရဲ႕ ေက်ာ႐ိုးအတြင္းမွာတည္႐ိွေနပါတယ္။
ဒီ မြန္ျမတ္တဲ့စကားမ်ားကုိ လြတ္လပ္တဲ့ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံရဲ႕ စတင္ေရးဆြဲခဲ့တဲ့ ဖြဲ႕စည္းအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ပုံအေျခခံဥပေဒကလဲ ပဲ့တင္ထပ္ထားပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕အနာဂတ္မွာ ဒီစည္းမ်ဥ္းစည္းကမ္းမ်ားကုိ အေကာင္အထည္ေဖာ္ဘုိ႔ ေသခ်ာေစေရးအတြက္လဲ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ အတူတကြလုပ္ေဆာင္ၾကရမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ဒီအခ်က္ကုိ ကြန္ေတာ္စိတ္ထဲမွာထည့္ထားၿပီး အမွာစကား ၃ ခုကို သယ္ေဆာင္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။
ပထမဦးစြာအေနနဲ႔ ဘယ္ေဒသမွာမဆုိ လူသားဂုဏ္ရည္ကုိ အေလးထားေလးစားျခင္းဟာ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးနဲ႔ ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳး တုိးတက္ေရးအတြက္ မ႐ိွမျဖစ္လုိအပ္ခ်က္ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံဟာ အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာလူ႔အခြင့္အေရးေၾကညာစာတမ္းကုိ ပထမ စတင္လက္ခံခဲ့တဲ့ ကုလသမဂၢ အဖြဲ႕၀င္ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားမွာ တႏိုင္ငံအပါအ၀င္ျဖစ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။
ႏိုင္ငံေရး၊ စီးပြါးေရးနဲ႔ လူမႈေရးတုိးတက္မႈမ်ားအတြက္ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးနဲ႔ အေျခခံလြတ္လပ္မႈမ်ားအား ေလးစား ဘုိ႔ အမ်ားဆုံးျဖတ္ခ်က္ဆႏၵကို ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံက ေစာစီးစြာ ေထာက္ခံခဲ့ပါတယ္။
ကံမေကာင္းအေၾကာင္းမလွစြာပဲ ဒီျပဌာန္းႀကိဳးပမ္းမႈဟာ အမွန္တကယ္မွာ အံ၀င္ခြင္က်မႈ မ႐ိွခဲ့ပါ။ ျမန္မာ့လူ႔အ ခြင့္အေရးမွတ္တမ္းဟာ အလြန္အမင္း စုိးရိမ္ေသာကျဖစ္စရာအေၾကာင္းအရာအေနနဲ႔ တည္႐ွိေနလ်က္ပါ။
ျမန္မာအစုိးရဟာ သူ႔ရဲ႕ရည္မွန္းခ်က္မ်ားျဖစ္တဲ့ တည္ၿငိမ္မႈ၊ အမ်ဳိးသားျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရးနဲ႔ ဒီမိုကေရစီေရး တုိ႔ကုိ ေျပာဆုိေနပါတယ္။
အႏွစ္ ၂၀ အတြင္း ပထမဆုံးအေနနဲ႔က်င္းပမွာျဖစ္တဲ့ လာမဲ့ေ႐ြးေကာက္ပြဲဟာ ဂုဏ္ထယ္တင့္တယ္ေစလုိလွ်င္ အားလုံးပါ၀င္ၿပီး အျမင္ၾကည္လင္မႈ ႐ိွရမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕ ေ႐ွ႕ဆက္မဲ့ခရီးမွာ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးကုိေလးစားလုိက္နာမႈ အျမစ္တြယ္ရမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ဒါေၾကာင့္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္အပါအ၀င္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားအားလုံးကုိ အျမန္ဆုံးလႊတ္ေပးရမယ္လုိ႔ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ေျပာခဲ့တာပါ။
ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ၾကီးသန္းေ႐ႊနဲ႔ မေန႔ကနဲ႔ဒီေန႔ ေတြ႕ရတဲ့အခါ ေဒၚစုၾကည္ကုိေတြ႕ဘုိ႔ေတာင္းဆုိခဲ့ပါတယ္။ သူကျငင္းပယ္ လုိက္တဲ့အတြက္ ကၽြန္ေတာ္မ်ားစြာစိတ္ပ်က္ခဲ့ရပါတယ္။
ျမန္မာအစိုးရဟာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးပြင့္လင္းမႈရဲ႕ က႑သစ္မွာ ျပဌာန္းႀကိဳးပမ္းမႈကိုျပသႏိုင္မဲ့ အခြင့္အေရးထူးတခု ဆုံး႐ႈံး သြားၿပီလုိ႔ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ယုံၾကည္လုိက္ပါတယ္။
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္အားေတြ႕ဆုံခြင့္ေပးလိုက္ျခင္းဟာ ၂၀၁၀ ေ႐ြးေကာက္ပဲြကုိ အမ်ားယုံၾကည္လက္ခံႏိုင္မႈ ႐ိွေစေရးအတြက္ အေရးႀကီးတဲ့ အဓိပၸါယ္႐ိွေသာေဆာင္႐ြက္မႈကုိ စတင္လုပ္ေဆာင္ရန္ အစုိးရကဆႏၵ႐ိွေၾကာင္း ကိုေဖာ္ျပတဲ့ အေရးႀကီးတဲ့ျပယုဂ္ျဖစ္ပါလိမ့္မယ္။
ဒီနိုင္ငံရဲ႕အနာဂတ္အတြက္ ျပည့္၀တဲ့ ပါ၀င္ေဆာင္႐ြက္ႏိုင္ခြင့္အား ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသားအားလုံးကုိ အမွန္တကယ္ ေပးရမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ပါ၀င္ေဆာင္႐ြက္လုိသူမ်ားအားလုံး လြတ္လပ္တက္ႂကြစြာပါ၀င္မႈမ႐ိွလွ်င္ အမ်ဳိးသားျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရးဟာ မျပည့္စုံႏိုင္ပါ။
သက္ဆုိင္တဲ့ပုဂၢဳလ္မ်ား၊ တုိင္းရင္းသားအုပ္စုမ်ားနဲ႔လူနည္းစုမ်ားအားလုံးပါ၀င္တဲ့ စစ္မွန္တဲ့ ေတြ႕ဆုံေဆြးေႏြးမႈ လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္ကုိ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံဟာ စတင္ေဆာင္႐ြက္ရမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ျပည္သူအမ်ားဟာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးေဆြးေႏြးမႈမွာ လြတ္လပ္စြာအေျခအတင္ေျပာႏုိင္ရမယ္၊ လြတ္လပ္စြာပါ၀င္ႏိုင္ရမွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒီမိုကေရစီလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္မွာ အဓိပၸါယ္႐ိွစြာပါ၀င္ႏိုင္ေရးအတြက္အေထာက္အကူျဖစ္ေစမဲ့ သတင္းအ ခ်က္အလက္မ်ားကုိ လြတ္လပ္စြာ သိ႐ွိရယူႏိုင္ရမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ဂုဏ္သေရ႐ိွ လူႀကီးမင္းမ်ားခင္ဗ်ား
အသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းမႈတုိင္းဟာ ခက္ခဲလွပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံဟာ သက္ဦးဆံပုိင္စံနစ္ကေန ကုိလုိနီစံနစ္၊ အခု
တခါ လြတ္လပ္တဲ့ႏိုင္ငံအျဖစ္ အသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းခဲ့ပါတယ္။
သမုိင္းဟာ လတ္တေလာမွာ နာက်င္ဘြယ္ျဖစ္ရပ္မ်ားအပါအ၀င္ ‘အေမြ’ႏွစ္မႊာပူးကို သေနၶေဆာင္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။
လက္နက္ကုိင္ပဋိပကၡ နဲ႔ ႏိုင္ငံေရးေ႐ွ႕မတုိးသာေနာက္မဆုတ္သာအေျခအေနေတြပါ။
အခ်ဳပ္အျခာပုိင္ဆုိင္မႈ၊ နယ္ေျမတည္တံ့ခုိင္ၿမဲမႈ နဲ႔ အမ်ဳိးသားညီၫြတ္ေရးတုိ႔ဟာ ႏိုင္ငံတုိင္းရဲ႕ တရား၀င္ စိုးရိမ္ ေသာကမ်ား ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ႏိုင္ငံေရး၀န္းက်င္ကုိ ဖြင့္ေပးျခင္းနဲ႔ ခ်ဲ႕ထြင္ျခင္းဟာ ပုိမုိႀကီးမားတဲ့ စုေပါင္းေဆာင္႐ြက္ျခင္းရဲ႕ အစိတ္အပုိင္းအ ျဖစ္ အုပ္စုတစုခ်င္းနဲ႔ လူတဦးခ်င္းပါ၀င္ႏိုင္မႈအတြက္ အာမခံရန္ အေကာင္းဆုံးနည္းလမ္းျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ကၽြန္ ေတာ္တုိ႔ ရဲရဲႀကီးေျပာႏိုင္ပါတယ္။
စစ္တပ္၊ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအဖြဲ႕အစည္းအားလုံး၊ တုိင္းရင္းသားလူနည္းစုမ်ား၊ အမ်ားျပည္သူနဲ႔သက္ဆိုင္ေသာအဖြဲ႕အ စည္းမ်ားနဲ႔ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕ သားသမီးတုိင္း အမွန္တကယ္ကုိ ႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕အသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းေရးမွာပါ၀င္ၾကရမွာ။
အျပန္အလွန္ အေပးအယူလုပ္ၫိႇႏိႈင္းျခင္း၊ ေလးစားျခင္းနဲ႔ နားလည္မႈတုိ႔သာလွ်င္ ၾကာ႐ွည္တည္တ့ံမဲ့ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္း ေရး၊ အမ်ဳိးသားျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရးနဲ႔ ဒီမိုကေရစီေရးတုိ႔အတြက္ အေျခခံအုတ္္ျမစ္ခ်ေပးႏိုင္မွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ကၽြန္ေတာ္ရဲ႕ ဒုတိယအမွာစကားကေတာ့ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသားမ်ားရဲ႕ လူသားခ်င္းစာနာတဲ႔လိုအပ္ခ်က္မ်ားကုိ ေဖာ္ျပ လုိပါတယ္။
ဧရာ၀တီျမစ္၀ကၽြန္းေပၚေဒသမွာျဖစ္ထြန္းခဲ့တဲ့တုိးတက္မႈမ်ားကုိ ၾကည့္ျမင္ႏိုင္ရန္ ျပန္လည္ေရာက္႐ိွလာႏိုင္စြမ္း အတြက္ ကၽြန္ေတာ္၀မ္းသာလွပါတယ္။
အလုိခ်င္ဆုံးကေတာ့ နာဂစ္မုန္တုိင္းဒဏ္ကုိတုန္႔ျပန္ျခင္းဟာ သီးျခားခြဲျခားထားျခင္းအေပၚ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္႐ြက္ ႏိုင္ျခင္းရဲ႕တန္ဘုိးကုိ သက္ေသျပႏိုင္တာပဲ။
အလႉ႐ွင္အသုိင္းအ၀န္းရဲ႕ကူညီပံ့ပုိးမႈျဖင့္ ‘သုံးပြင့္ဆုိင္ ေက်ာ႐ိုးအုပ္စု’အျဖစ္ ျမန္မာ၊ ကုလသမဂၢနဲ႔ အာဆီယံတုိ႔ အတြင္း မႀကံဳစဖူးပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္႐ြက္ျခင္းဟာ လူသားခ်င္းစာနာမႈအေရးပါျခင္းနဲ႔ အခ်ဳပ္အျခာအာဏာပုိင္မႈရဲ႕ စည္းမ်ဥ္းစည္းကမ္းတုိ႔ဟာ ပဋိပကၡ မျဖစ္ၾကဘူးဆုိတာ သက္ေသျပသြားပါတယ္။
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံနဲ႔ မည္သည့္ေနရာတြင္မဆုိ လူသားခ်င္းစာနာမႈအကူအညီဟာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအတြက္တုန္႔ျပန္ရမဲ့ ဓားစာ ခံ မျဖစ္သင့္ပါဘူး။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ႐ိွ လူသားခ်င္းစာနာမႈနဲ႔ တုိးတက္မႈအေထာက္အကူမ်ား လုိအပ္ေနသူအားလုံး ရ႐ိွႏိုင္ေရးအာမခံခ်က္႐ိွေအာင္ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ အတူတကြေဆာင္႐ြက္ႏိုင္ရမယ္၊ လုပ္ကုိလုပ္ရမွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
အခုဟာကေတာ့ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ရဲ႕ တတိယ အမွာစကားျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
အခုအခ်ိန္ဟာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံအေနနဲ႔ သူရဲ႕ စီးပြါးေရးစြမ္းအင္အလားအလာေကာင္းမ်ားကို ထုတ္ေဖာ္ဘုိ႔အခ်ိန္ ျဖစ္ ပါတယ္။
‘အာ႐ွစီးပြါးေရးအံ့ဘြယ္’ အလယ္မွာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံဟာရပ္တည္ေနပါတယ္။ ႏိုင္ငံအ၀ွမ္းမွာ လ်င္ျမန္တဲ့တုိးတက္မႈ မ်ားအတြက္ ျမန္မာကုိ ‘ကႀကိဳးဆင္ေစျခင္းဟာ’ လူေနမႈအဆင့္အတန္းျမင့္မားေရးအတြက္ အေသခ်ာဆုံးနည္း လမ္းျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ျမန္မာအစုိးရရဲ႕ ကုန္သြယ္မႈအတြက္ ျပင္ပကိုလမ္းဖြင့္ေပးျခင္း၀ါဒ၊ ေထာင္စုဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးတုိးတက္မႈရည္မွန္းခ်က္မ်ား ရေအာင္ ႀကိဳးပမ္းမႈ၊ အိတ္ခ်္အုိင္ဗီြေရာဂါထိန္းခ်ဳပ္မႈ၊ လူကုန္ကူးမႈတုိက္ဖ်က္ေရးနဲ႔ ဘိန္းထုပ္လုပ္မႈအဆုံးသတ္ ေရးတုိ႔ကုိ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ႀကိဳဆုိပါတယ္။
ဒါေပမင့္ အမွန္လက္ေတြ႕မွာေတာ့ ျပည္သူသန္းေပါင္းမ်ားစြာဟာ ဆက္လက္ဆင္းရဲေနဆဲျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕ လူေနမႈအဆင့္အတန္းဟာ အာ႐ွရဲ႕ အနိမ့္ဆုံးထဲမွာပါ၀င္ေနတုန္းပါ။
ဒီျမန္မာျပည္သူမ်ားဟာ အလုပ္မ်ားလိုအပ္ေနပါတယ္။ စားနပ္ရိကၡာဖူလုံမႈေတြလုိအပ္ေနပါတယ္။ က်န္းမာေရး ေစာင့္ေ႐ွာက္ခံယူႏိုင္မႈေတြ လုိအပ္ေနပါတယ္။
ေဒသဆုိင္ရာနဲ႔တကမၻာလုံးဆုိင္ရာ စီးပြါးေရးမွ အက်ဳိးအျမတ္ရႏိုင္ေအာင္နဲ႔ ပါ၀င္ပံ့ပုိးေပးႏိုင္ေရးအတြက္ ျမန္မာ ျပည္သူမ်ားကို အာမခံရဘုိ႔ ကြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ လုပ္ေပးရမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
တည္ၿငိမ္ၿပီး သာယာ၀ေျပာေပါႂကြယ္တဲ့ ဒီမိုကေရစီျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံမွ ေဒသနဲ႔ကမၻာက အက်ဳိးအျမတ္ေတြပုိမုိရ႐ွိလာ မွာကုိ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳရမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီရည္မွန္းခ်က္အတြက္ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ ေဆာင္႐ြက္ေပး ရပါ့မယ္။
ျမန္မာအစုိးရကလဲ ဒီအခ်ိန္အခါကုိ အမိအရ ရယူရမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာအသုိင္းအ၀န္းက ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံျပည္သူမ်ားကုိ လက္ကမ္းရန္ျပင္ဆင္ေနသည့္ အခြင့္အလမ္း မ်ားရဲ႕ အက်ဳိးသက္ေရာက္မႈကုိ ျမန္မာအစုိးရက ရယူရမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ဂုဏ္သေရ႐ွိ လူႀကီးမင္းမ်ားခင္ဗ်ား
ကၽြန္ေတာ္ ဒီကုိ မိတ္ေဆြတဦးအျဖစ္ေရာက္လာခဲ့တာပါ။
ကၽြန္ေတာ့္တာ၀န္က ကုလသမဂၢပဋိဉာဥ္ရဲ႕ အေကာင္းဆုံးစံမ်ားနဲ႔စည္းမ်ဥ္းစည္းကမ္းမ်ားကုိ ထိန္းသိမ္းဘုိ႔ပဲ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ကၽြန္ေတာ့္အခန္းက႑ကေတာ့ သင္တုိ႔အားလုံး - အစုိးရ၊ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ား၊ တုိင္းရင္းသားအုပ္စုမ်ား၊ လူမႈအဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ား - ကို ျပည္သူတရပ္အေနနဲ႔ ႏိုင္ငံတခုအေနနဲ႔ အတူတကြ ေ႐ွ႕ဆက္ေ႐ြ႕လ်ားဘုိ႔ အား ေပးရန္ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
က႑အားလုံးရဲ႕အေပၚမွာ ျပည္သု႕အက်ဳိးကုိထား႐ွိလုိက္တဲ့အခါ မေက်ာ္လႊားႏိုင္တာ သုိ႔မဟုတ္ မျဖစ္ႏိုင္တာ ဆုိတာ မ႐ွိပါဘူး။
ေဒသနဲ႔ကမၻာဟာ လ်င္ျမန္စြာေျပာင္းလဲေနပါတယ္။ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္႐ြက္ျခင္းမွ၊ ၿပီးေတာ့ မိမိကိုယ္တုိင္ေျပာင္းလဲ မႈကုိ စတင္လုပ္ျခင္းမွ အက်ဳိးျဖစ္ထြန္းဘို႔ ျမန္မာဟာ ရပ္တည္လုိ႔သာ ေနပါတယ္။
ျမန္မာအစုိးရက ကုလသမဂၢႏဲ႔ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္႐ြက္ျခင္းဟာ ႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး၀ါဒရဲ႕ အေျခခံအုတ္ျမစ္ျဖစ္ တယ္လုိ႔ ထပ္ခါတလဲလဲ ေျပာလ်က္႐ွိပါတယ္။
စကားေတြနဲ႔ အလုပ္ေတြ ကုိက္ညီဘုိ႔အတြက္ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ ေတာင္းဆုိပါတယ္။
သူ႔ျပည္သူမ်ားရဲ႕လုိအပ္ခ်က္မ်ားနဲ႔ ျပင္းျပတဲ့ဆႏၵမ်ားကုိတုန္႔ျပန္ဘုိ႔ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံဟာ ကုလသမဂၢနဲ႔ ပုိမုိပူးေပါင္း လုပ္ေဆာင္ေလ ႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕ အခ်ဳပ္အျခာပုိင္ဆုိင္မႈကုိ အခုိင္အမာျပဳႏိုင္ေလ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ဒီအတူပါပဲ။ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔္ရဲ႕ေ၀မွ်ခံယူထားတဲ့ရည္မွန္းခ်က္မ်ားျဖစ္တဲ့ ျပည္သူအားလုံးရဲ႕လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးကုိ အျပည့္အ၀ေလးစားျခင္းနဲ႔အတူ ညီၫြတ္တဲ့ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းတဲ့ သာယာ၀ေျပာတဲ့ ဒီမုိကေရစီနည္းလမ္းက်တဲ့ အနာ ဂတ္အတြက္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံလက္လွမ္းမွီႏိုင္ေအာင္ ကူညီရန္ အတူတကြလုပ္ေဆာင္ဘုိ႔ ႏိုင္ငံတကာအသုိင္းအ၀န္း မွာလဲ တာ၀န္႐ွိပါတယ္။
ေက်းဇူးတင္ပါတယ္။
( ၂၀၀၉ ဇူလုိင္ ၄ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ အစုိးရမဟုတ္ေသာ အဖြဲ႔အစည္းမ်ား (NGO) ၊ သံတမန္မ်ား၊ ျပည္တြင္း သတင္းေထာက္မ်ား စုစုေပါင္း ၅၀၀ ခန္႔ တက္ေရာက္ခဲ့သည့္ ဟံသာဝတီ မူးယစ္ ေဆးဝါးျပတုိက္တြင္ ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့ေသာ သတင္းစာ ရွင္းလင္းပြဲ၌ ကုလသမဂၢ အေထြေထြ အတြင္းေရးမႉးခ်ဳပ္ မစၥတာ ဘန္ကီမြန္း ေျပာၾကားခဲ့သည့္ မိန္႔ခြန္းအျပည့္အစုံကုိ ျပန္ဆုိပါသည္ )
Unofficial translation
ေမာင္ေမာင္လွႀကိဳင္
၂၀၀၉ ၀၇ ၀၆
UNSG’s Remarks on Myanmar to Diplomatic Missions, UN Agencies and Non-Governmental Organizations
Excellencies,
Distinguished guests and colleagues
Ladies and Gentlemen,
This is my second visit to Myanmar in just over a year. Both visits have been at critical times for the country's future.
My first visit was in the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis. This devastating natural disaster, which took so many lives and created so much hardship, touched hearts across the globe. In Myanmar's moment of need, the world responded generously.
I want to personally thank everyone here today for your remarkable contributions to the relief and recovery effort.
You have saved lives, rejuvenated communities and made it possible for many thousands of people to reclaim their livelihoods. You have helped Myanmar to overcome adversity. It is important that this work continues.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I felt the tragedy of Cyclone Nargis deeply -- as a fellow Asian and as Secretary-General.
I am Asia's second Secretary-General. The first was Myanmar''s U Thant. I revere his memory. I also recall his wise words.
U Thant said: “The worth of the individual human being is the most unique and precious of all our assets and must be the beginning and end of all our efforts. Governments, systems, ideologies and institutions come and go, but humanity remains.”
This is why I have returned.
As Secretary-General, I attach the highest importance to helping the people of this country to achieve their legitimate aspirations.
The United Nations works for people – their rights, their well-being, their dignity. It is not an option. It is our responsibility.
I have come to show the unequivocal shared commitment of the United Nations to the people of Myanmar.
I am here today to say: Myanmar – you are not alone.
We want to work with you for a united, peaceful, prosperous, democratic and modern Myanmar.
We want to help you rise from poverty.
We want to work with you so your country can take its place as a respected and responsible member of the international community.
We want to help you achieve national reconciliation, durable peace and sustainable development.
But, let me emphasize: neither peace nor development can thrive without democracy and respect for human rights.
Myanmar is no exception.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
The challenges are many. But they are not insurmountable.
We know from experience that securing Myanmar's peaceful, democratic and prosperous future is a complex process.
None of Myanmar's challenges can be solved on their own. Peace, development and human rights are closely inter-related.
Failure to address them with equal attention will risk undermining the prospects for democracy, durable peace and prosperity.
However, we also know that where there is a genuine will for dialogue and reconciliation, all obstacles can be overcome.
The question today is this: how much longer can Myanmar afford to wait for national reconciliation, democratic transition and full respect for human rights?
The cost of delay will be counted in wasted lives, lost opportunities and prolonged isolation from the international community.
Let me be clear: all the people of Myanmar must work in the national interest.
I said this yesterday when I met with representatives of Myanmar's registered political parties and with those armed groups that have chosen to observe a cease-fire. I encouraged them respectively to honour their commitments to the democratic process and peace.
Nonetheless, the primary responsibility lies with the Government to move the country towards its stated goals of national reconciliation and democracy.
Failure to do so will prevent the people of Myanmar from realizing their full potential.
Failure to do so will deny the people of Myanmar their right to live in dignity and to pursue better standards of life in larger freedom.
These principles lie at the core of the United Nations Charter, whose opening words are “We the peoples”.
The founding Constitution of independent Myanmar echoes these noble words. We must work together to ensure that Myanmar's future embodies these principles too.
With this in mind, I bring three messages.
First, respect for human dignity is the precondition for peace and development everywhere.
Myanmar was one of the first United Nations Member States to adopt the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
It subscribed early on to the consensus that respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms is indispensable to political, economic and social progress.
Unfortunately, that commitment has not been matched in deed. Myanmar's human rights record remains a matter of grave concern.
The Government has articulated its goals as stability, national reconciliation and democracy.
The upcoming election –the first in twenty years – must be inclusive, participatory and transparent if it is to be credible.
Myanmar's way forward must be rooted in respect for human rights
This is why I say that all political prisoners, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, should be released without delay.
When I met General Than Shwe yesterday and today, I asked to visit Ms. Suu Kyi. I am deeply disappointed that he refused.
I believe the government of Myanmar has lost a unique opportunity to show its commitment to a new era of political openness.
Allowing a visit to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi would have been an important symbol of the government's willingness to embark on the kind of meaningful engagement that will be essential if the elections in 2010 are to be seen as credible.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi must be allowed to participate in the political process without further delay.
Indeed, all the citizens of Myanmar must be given the opportunity to contribute fully to the future of this country.
National reconciliation cannot be complete without the free and active participation of all who seek to contribute.
The country must embark on a process of genuine dialogue that includes all concerned parties, all ethnic groups and all minorities.
People must be free to debate and to engage in political dialogue, and they must have free access to the information that will help them participate meaningfully in the democratic process.
Ladies and gentlemen,
Any transition is difficult. Myanmar has already undergone transitions from sovereign kingdom, to occupied colony, and now independent State.
This history carries a twin legacy of armed conflict and political deadlock, including recent painful events: the repression of demonstrators in 1988, the cancellation of the 1990 election results, and the clampdown on peaceful dissent that continues to this day.
At the same time, there have been some positive efforts that should be recognized.
Although still fragile, the cease-fire agreements between the Government and armed groups have reduced the level of conflict. The United Nations has wide-ranging experience in making such gains irreversible.
Sovereignty, territorial integrity and national unity are legitimate concerns for any government.
We contend that opening and broadening the political space is the best way to ensure that each group and each individual becomes part of the greater collective project.
The military, all political parties, ethnic minority groups, civil society, and indeed every son and daughter of Myanmar has a role to play in this country's transition.
Only mutual compromise, respect and understanding can lay the foundations for durable peace, national reconciliation and democracy.
My second message is on addressing the humanitarian needs of Myanmar's people.
I am glad I have been able to return to see the progress made in the Irrawaddy Delta. The loss of some 130,000 people was tragic, but the rebuilding I saw today was impressive.
The tragedy showed the resilience of the people of Myanmar. It also demonstrated that people throughout the world care deeply about Myanmar and its people.
Above all, the response to Cyclone Nargis proved the value of engagement over isolation.
The unprecedented cooperation between Myanmar, the United Nations and ASEAN through the Tripartite Core Group, with the support of the donor community, has demonstrated that humanitarian imperatives and the principles of sovereignty do not conflict.
Humanitarian assistance -- in Myanmar as elsewhere -- should never be held hostage to political considerations. We can and must work together to ensure access to humanitarian and development assistance to all those in Myanmar who need it.
This brings me to my third message. It is time for Myanmar to unleash its economic potential.
Myanmar sits in the middle of Asia's economic miracle. Harnessing Myanmar to the rapid advances taking place around it is the surest way to raise living standards.
I welcome the Government's policy of opening up to outside trade and investment, and its efforts to achieve the Millennium Development Goals, control HIV, combat human trafficking and curtail opium production.
But the reality is that millions continue to live in poverty. Standards of living in Myanmar remain among the lowest in Asia.
The people of Myanmar need jobs, they need food security and they need access to health care.
We must work to ensure that the people of Myanmar can benefit from and contribute to the regional and global economy.
We must recognize that the region and the world have much to gain from a stable, prosperous and democratic Myanmar. We must work together for that goal.
The Government of Myanmar must seize the moment.
It must take advantage of the opportunities that the international community is prepared to offer to the people of Myanmar.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I came here as a friend.
My duty is to uphold the ideals and principles of the United Nations Charter.
My role is to encourage all of you – the Government, political parties, ethnic groups, civil society – to move forward together as one people and one nation.
Nothing is insurmountable or impossible when the people's interest is placed above divisions.
The region and the world are changing fast. Myanmar only stands to gain from engagement -- and from embarking on its own change.
The Government of Myanmar has repeatedly stated that cooperation with the United Nations is the cornerstone of the country's foreign policy.
We ask it to match deeds with words.
The more Myanmar works in partnership with the United Nations to respond to its people's needs and aspirations, the more it affirms its sovereignty.
Similarly it is incumbent on the international community as whole to work together to help Myanmar meet our shared goals: a united, peaceful, prosperous and democratic future, with full respect for the human rights of all the country's people.
Kyae zoo tin bar tae.
ဂုဏ္သေရ႐ွိ လူႀကီးမင္းမ်ား၊ ဧည့္သည္ေတာ္မ်ားႏွင့္ေရာင္းရင္းမိတ္ေဆြမ်ားခင္ဗ်ား
ဒါဟာ တႏွစ္ေက်ာ္အတြင္း ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံကို ဒုတိယအႀကိမ္ေျမာက္လာေရာက္ျခင္းျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ႏွစ္ႀကိမ္စလုံး ဟာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕အနာဂတ္အတြက္ အေရးႀကီးတဲ့အခ်ိန္မ်ားပင္ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ပထမ ကၽြန္ေတာ္လာေရာက္တဲ့အခ်ိန္ဟာ နာဂစ္မုန္တုိင္း၀င္ေရာက္ၿပီးခ်ိန္အတြင္းျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒီ ေၾကာက္မက္ ဘြယ္သဘာ၀ေဘးအႏၱရာယ္ဟာ အသက္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာကုိယူသြားခဲ့တယ္၊ ၾကမ္းတမ္းတဲ့အေျခအေနေတြကုိလဲ ဖန္တီးခဲ့တယ္၊ တကမၻာလုံးရဲ႕ ႏွလုံးသည္းပြတ္ေတြကုိလဲခံစားရေအာင္လႈပ္ကုိင္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕လုိအပ္ ေနခ်ိန္မွာ ကမၻာက ရက္ရက္ေရာေရာ တုန္႔ျပန္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။
ကယ္ဆယ္ေရးနဲ႔ ျပန္လည္ထူေထာင္ရန္ႀကိဳးပမ္းခ်က္ျဖစ္တဲ့ သင္တုိ႔ရဲ႕ ထင္႐ွားတဲ့ ပ့ံပုိးကူညီမႈမ်ားအတြက္ အား လုံးကုိ ေက်းဇူးတင္႐ိွပါေၾကာင္း ဒီေန႔ ဒီေနရာကေန ပုဂၢိဳလ္ေရးအရ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ ေျပာၾကားလုိပါတယ္။
သင္တုိ႔ဟာ အသက္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာကုိကယ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္၊ လူ႔အသုိင္းအ၀ုိင္းကုိျပန္လည္႐ွင္သန္လန္းဆန္းေစပါတယ္၊ ေထာင္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာေသာျပည္သူေတြကုိ သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕ ေနထုိင္မႈဘ၀မ်ားအား ျပန္လည္အသက္ဆက္ေစႏိုင္ခဲ့ပါ တယ္။
ဂုဏ္သေရ႐ိွလူႀကီးမင္းမ်ားခင္ဗ်ား
အာ႐ွတုိက္သားတေယာက္အေနနဲ႔ေရာ အေထြေထြအတြင္းေရးမႉးခ်ဳပ္အေနနဲ႔ပါ နာဂစ္မုန္တုိင္းဒဏ္ကုိ ေၾက ကြဲစြာခံစားရမိပါတယ္။
ကၽြန္ေတာ္ဟာ အာ႐ွတုိက္ရဲ႕ ဒုတိယေျမာက္အေထြေထြအတြင္းေရးမႉးခ်ဳပ္ပါ။ ပထမေျမာက္ပုဂၢဳိလ္ကေတာ့ ျမန္ မာႏိုင္ငံသား ဦးသန္႔ပါ။ သူ႔ရဲ႕မွတ္ဉာဏ္ကုိ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ ျမတ္ႏိုးၾကည္ညိဳပါတယ္။ သူရဲ႕ပညာ႐ိွစကားကုိလဲ အ မွတ္ရပါတယ္။
ဦးသန္႔ကဆိုမိန္႔ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ “လူသားတဦးခ်င္းစီရဲ႕တန္ဘုိးဟာ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ရဲ႕အဘုိးတန္ပိုင္ဆိုင္မႈေတြအနက္ အလြန္ထူးျခားၿပီး အလြန္တန္ဘုိး႐ိွလွပါတယ္။ အစုိးရမ်ား၊ စံနစ္မ်ား၊ အေတြးအေခၚမ်ားနဲ႔ အသင္းအပင္းအ ဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ား ၀င္လိုက္ ထြက္လုိက္နဲ႔ ျဖစ္ေနေပမင့္ လူသားဂုဏ္ရည္ကေတာ့ ဆက္လက္တည္႐ိွ ေနမွာပါ” တဲ့။
ဒါေၾကာင့္ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ျပန္လာခဲ့တာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
အေထြေထြအတြင္းေရးမႉးခ်ဳပ္အေနနဲ႔ သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕ တရား၀င္ဆႏၵျပင္းျပမႈမ်ားရ႐ိွေစႏိုင္ရန္အတြက္ ဒီႏိုင္ငံျပည္သူ မ်ားအား ကူညီႏိုင္ေရးကုိ အေရးအႀကီးဆုံးအျဖစ္ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ ဦးထိပ္ပန္ဆင္သယ္ေဆာင္လာပါတယ္။
ကုလသမဂၢဟာ လူအမ်ားရဲ႕ အခြင့္အေရးမ်ား၊ ခ်မ္းသာသုခမ်ား၊ ဂုဏ္အ႐ိွန္အ၀ါမ်ားအတြက္ ေဆာင္႐ြက္ေပး ေနပါတယ္။ ဒါဟာ စိတ္ႀကိဳက္ေ႐ြးခ်ယ္လုပ္ေပးေနျခင္း မဟုတ္ပါ။ ဒါဟာ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႔ရဲ႕တာ၀န္ပုိင္းပါ။
ကုလသမဂၢရဲ႕ ျပတ္သားၿပီးတာ၀န္ခြဲေ၀ကာ ျပဌာန္းႏွစ္ႁမႇဳပ္ေဆာင္႐ြက္ျခင္းကို ျမန္မာျပည္သူမ်ားအား ျပသ ရန္ကၽြန္ေတာ္လာေရာက္တာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ဒီေန႔ ဒီေနရာမွာ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ေျပာပါရေစ။ ျမန္မာ- သင္သည္ အထီးက်န္မဟုတ္ပါ။
စည္းလုံးညီၫြတ္တဲ့၊ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းတဲ့၊ ေပါႂကြယ္၀တဲ့ ေခတ္သစ္ဒီမုိကေရစီ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံအတြက္ သင္တုိ႔နဲ႔အတူ အလုပ္လုပ္ရန္ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ လုိလားပါတယ္။
ဆင္းရဲတြင္းမွ႐ုန္းထႏိုင္ရန္ သင္တုိ႔ကုိကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ ကူညီလုိပါတယ္။
ႏိုင္ငံတကာအသုိင္းအ၀န္းရဲ႕ ေလးစားခံရတဲ့ တာ၀န္သိတဲ့အဖြဲ႕၀င္ေနရာကုိ သင္တုိ႔ႏိုင္ငံရယူႏိုင္ရန္အတြက္ သင္တုိ႔နဲ႔အတူ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ လုပ္ေဆာင္လုိပါတယ္။
အမ်ဳိးသားျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရး၊ တည္တံ့တဲ့ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးနဲ႔ ေရ႐ွည္ခံ ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးတုိးတက္မႈမ်ားအတြက္ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ တုိ႔ သင္တုိ႔ကုိကူညီလုိပါတယ္။
ဒါေပမင့္ ကၽြန္ေတာ္အေလးအနက္ျပဳေျပာပါရေစ - ဒီမုိကေရစီနဲ႔ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးေလးစားလိုက္နာမႈမ႐ိွလွ်င္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးေသာ္၄င္း၊ ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးတုိးတက္မႈေသာ္၄င္း ႐ွင္သန္မွာမဟုတ္ပါဘူး။
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံဟာ ခၽြင္းခ်က္မဟုတ္ပါ။
ဂုဏ္သေရ႐ိွလူႀကီးမင္းမ်ားခင္ဗ်ား
စိန္ေခၚမႈေတြက အမ်ားႀကီးပါ။ ဒါေပမင့္ ေက်ာ္လႊားလုိ႔မရႏိုင္တာေတာ့ မဟုတ္ပါ။
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းတဲ့၊ ဒီမုိကေရစီစံနစ္႐ိွတဲ့ သာယာ၀ေျပာ ေပါႂကြယ္၀တဲ့အနာဂတ္ကုိ ကာကြယ္ထိန္းသိမ္း ရမဲ့ကိစၥဟာ ႐ႈပ္ေထြးတဲ့လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း အေတြ႕အႀကဳံမ်ားအရ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ သိ႐ိွရပါတယ္။
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံအတြက္ မည္သည့္ စိန္ေခၚမႈကုိမဆုိ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံခ်ည္းသက္သက္ မေျဖ႐ွင္းႏိုင္ပါ။ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး၊ ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးတုိးတက္ေရးနဲ႔ လူအခြင့္အေရးဟာ အျပန္အလွန္ ႏြယ္႐ွက္ ဆက္စပ္ေနပါတယ္။
ဒီအခ်က္ေတြကုိ တူညီတဲ့အာ႐ုံစုိက္ အေလးထားမႈမ႐ိွပဲ ေျပာဆုိေဆာင္႐ြက္ျခင္းဟာ ဒီမိုကေရစီေရး၊ တည္တ့ံ တဲ့ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးနဲ႔ သာယာ၀ေျပာေရးတုိ႔ရဲ႕ အလားအလာေကာင္းျခင္းကုိ ေမွးမွိန္ ေသးသိမ္ေစပါတယ္။
ဒါေပမင့္၊ ေတြ႕ဆုံေဆြးေႏြးေရးနဲ႔ျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရးအတြက္ စစ္မွန္တဲ့ဆႏၵ႐ိွမယ္ဆုိရင္ အခက္အခဲအားလုံး ကုိ ေက်ာ္လႊားေအာင္ျမင္မွာပါ။
‘အမ်ဳိးသားျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရး၊ ဒီမုိကေရစီအသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းေရးနဲ႔ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးကုိ အျပည့္အ၀ အေလးထားေရးအတြက္ ေစာင့္ဆုိင္းဘုိ႔ ျမန္မာဟာအခ်ိန္ဘယ္ေလာက္ၾကာၾကာႀကိဳးပမ္းႏိုင္မွာလဲ’ ဆုိတာဟာ ယေန႔ေမးခြန္းျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ကၽြန္ေတာ္ ႐ွင္းလင္းေျပာျပပါရေစ။ အမ်ဳိးသားေရးအတြက္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသားအားလုံး ေဆာင္ရြက္ရမွာျဖစ္ပါ တယ္။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕ မွတ္ပုံတင္ထားတဲ့ႏိုင္ငံေရးပါတီမ်ားမွကုိယ္စားလွယ္မ်ားနဲ႔ အပစ္အခတ္ရပ္စဲေရးေလ့လာ ေနတဲ့ လက္နက္ကုိင္အုပ္စုမ်ားနဲ႔ ယမန္ေန႔ကေတြ႕ခဲ့စဥ္မွာ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ေျပာခဲ့တာပါ။ ဒီမိုကေရစီလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္နဲ႔ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးအတြက္ သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕ ျပဌာန္းႀကိဳးပမ္းမႈကုိ ဂုဏ္ျပဳရန္အတြက္ သီးျခားစီ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ ေျပာၾကားအားေပး ခဲ့တာပါ။
သုိ႔ေသာ္၊ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံကုိ ေျမာ္မွန္းထားတဲ့ အမ်ဳိးသားျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရးနဲ႔ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ရည္မွန္းခ်က္ပန္းတိုင္ မ်ားကိုေရာက္႐ိွရန္ အဓိကတာ၀န္မွာ ႏိုင္ငံ့အစုိးရေပၚက်ေရာက္လ်က္႐ိွေနပါတယ္။
ဒီတာ၀န္မ်ားကုိေက်ပြန္စြာမေဆာင္႐ြက္ႏိုင္လွ်င္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသားမ်ားအား သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕ ‘စြမ္းရည္ အျပည့္အ၀ကုိ နား လည္သေဘာေပါက္ျခင္း’ မွ ဟန္႔တားထားရာေရာက္ပါလိမ့္မယ္။
ဒီတာ၀န္မ်ားကုိေက်ပြန္စြာမေဆာင္႐ြက္ႏိုင္လွ်င္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသားမ်ားရဲ႕ ဂုဏ္သေရ႐ိွစြာေနထုိင္ႏိုင္ခြင့္နဲ႔ ပုိမုိ လြတ္လပ္မႈျဖင့္ သာလြန္ေကာင္းမြန္တဲ့ လူမႈအဆင့္အတန္းမ်ားခံစားခြင့္ကုိ ျငင္းပယ္ရာေရာက္ပါလိမ့္မယ္။
ဒီ အေျခခံစည္းမ်ဥ္းမ်ားဟာ ‘ကၽြႏု္ပ္တုိ႔သည္ ျပည္သူမ်ားျဖစ္ၾကသည္’ ဆုိတဲ့စကားမ်ားျဖင့္ အဖြင့္နိဒါန္းခ်ီထား တဲ့ ကုလသမဂၢပဋိဉာဥ္စာတမ္းရဲ႕ ေက်ာ႐ိုးအတြင္းမွာတည္႐ိွေနပါတယ္။
ဒီ မြန္ျမတ္တဲ့စကားမ်ားကုိ လြတ္လပ္တဲ့ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံရဲ႕ စတင္ေရးဆြဲခဲ့တဲ့ ဖြဲ႕စည္းအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ပုံအေျခခံဥပေဒကလဲ ပဲ့တင္ထပ္ထားပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕အနာဂတ္မွာ ဒီစည္းမ်ဥ္းစည္းကမ္းမ်ားကုိ အေကာင္အထည္ေဖာ္ဘုိ႔ ေသခ်ာေစေရးအတြက္လဲ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ အတူတကြလုပ္ေဆာင္ၾကရမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ဒီအခ်က္ကုိ ကြန္ေတာ္စိတ္ထဲမွာထည့္ထားၿပီး အမွာစကား ၃ ခုကို သယ္ေဆာင္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။
ပထမဦးစြာအေနနဲ႔ ဘယ္ေဒသမွာမဆုိ လူသားဂုဏ္ရည္ကုိ အေလးထားေလးစားျခင္းဟာ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးနဲ႔ ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳး တုိးတက္ေရးအတြက္ မ႐ိွမျဖစ္လုိအပ္ခ်က္ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံဟာ အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာလူ႔အခြင့္အေရးေၾကညာစာတမ္းကုိ ပထမ စတင္လက္ခံခဲ့တဲ့ ကုလသမဂၢ အဖြဲ႕၀င္ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားမွာ တႏိုင္ငံအပါအ၀င္ျဖစ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။
ႏိုင္ငံေရး၊ စီးပြါးေရးနဲ႔ လူမႈေရးတုိးတက္မႈမ်ားအတြက္ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးနဲ႔ အေျခခံလြတ္လပ္မႈမ်ားအား ေလးစား ဘုိ႔ အမ်ားဆုံးျဖတ္ခ်က္ဆႏၵကို ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံက ေစာစီးစြာ ေထာက္ခံခဲ့ပါတယ္။
ကံမေကာင္းအေၾကာင္းမလွစြာပဲ ဒီျပဌာန္းႀကိဳးပမ္းမႈဟာ အမွန္တကယ္မွာ အံ၀င္ခြင္က်မႈ မ႐ိွခဲ့ပါ။ ျမန္မာ့လူ႔အ ခြင့္အေရးမွတ္တမ္းဟာ အလြန္အမင္း စုိးရိမ္ေသာကျဖစ္စရာအေၾကာင္းအရာအေနနဲ႔ တည္႐ွိေနလ်က္ပါ။
ျမန္မာအစုိးရဟာ သူ႔ရဲ႕ရည္မွန္းခ်က္မ်ားျဖစ္တဲ့ တည္ၿငိမ္မႈ၊ အမ်ဳိးသားျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရးနဲ႔ ဒီမိုကေရစီေရး တုိ႔ကုိ ေျပာဆုိေနပါတယ္။
အႏွစ္ ၂၀ အတြင္း ပထမဆုံးအေနနဲ႔က်င္းပမွာျဖစ္တဲ့ လာမဲ့ေ႐ြးေကာက္ပြဲဟာ ဂုဏ္ထယ္တင့္တယ္ေစလုိလွ်င္ အားလုံးပါ၀င္ၿပီး အျမင္ၾကည္လင္မႈ ႐ိွရမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕ ေ႐ွ႕ဆက္မဲ့ခရီးမွာ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးကုိေလးစားလုိက္နာမႈ အျမစ္တြယ္ရမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ဒါေၾကာင့္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္အပါအ၀င္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားအားလုံးကုိ အျမန္ဆုံးလႊတ္ေပးရမယ္လုိ႔ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ေျပာခဲ့တာပါ။
ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ၾကီးသန္းေ႐ႊနဲ႔ မေန႔ကနဲ႔ဒီေန႔ ေတြ႕ရတဲ့အခါ ေဒၚစုၾကည္ကုိေတြ႕ဘုိ႔ေတာင္းဆုိခဲ့ပါတယ္။ သူကျငင္းပယ္ လုိက္တဲ့အတြက္ ကၽြန္ေတာ္မ်ားစြာစိတ္ပ်က္ခဲ့ရပါတယ္။
ျမန္မာအစိုးရဟာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးပြင့္လင္းမႈရဲ႕ က႑သစ္မွာ ျပဌာန္းႀကိဳးပမ္းမႈကိုျပသႏိုင္မဲ့ အခြင့္အေရးထူးတခု ဆုံး႐ႈံး သြားၿပီလုိ႔ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ယုံၾကည္လုိက္ပါတယ္။
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္အားေတြ႕ဆုံခြင့္ေပးလိုက္ျခင္းဟာ ၂၀၁၀ ေ႐ြးေကာက္ပဲြကုိ အမ်ားယုံၾကည္လက္ခံႏိုင္မႈ ႐ိွေစေရးအတြက္ အေရးႀကီးတဲ့ အဓိပၸါယ္႐ိွေသာေဆာင္႐ြက္မႈကုိ စတင္လုပ္ေဆာင္ရန္ အစုိးရကဆႏၵ႐ိွေၾကာင္း ကိုေဖာ္ျပတဲ့ အေရးႀကီးတဲ့ျပယုဂ္ျဖစ္ပါလိမ့္မယ္။
ဒီနိုင္ငံရဲ႕အနာဂတ္အတြက္ ျပည့္၀တဲ့ ပါ၀င္ေဆာင္႐ြက္ႏိုင္ခြင့္အား ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသားအားလုံးကုိ အမွန္တကယ္ ေပးရမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ပါ၀င္ေဆာင္႐ြက္လုိသူမ်ားအားလုံး လြတ္လပ္တက္ႂကြစြာပါ၀င္မႈမ႐ိွလွ်င္ အမ်ဳိးသားျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရးဟာ မျပည့္စုံႏိုင္ပါ။
သက္ဆုိင္တဲ့ပုဂၢဳလ္မ်ား၊ တုိင္းရင္းသားအုပ္စုမ်ားနဲ႔လူနည္းစုမ်ားအားလုံးပါ၀င္တဲ့ စစ္မွန္တဲ့ ေတြ႕ဆုံေဆြးေႏြးမႈ လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္ကုိ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံဟာ စတင္ေဆာင္႐ြက္ရမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ျပည္သူအမ်ားဟာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးေဆြးေႏြးမႈမွာ လြတ္လပ္စြာအေျခအတင္ေျပာႏုိင္ရမယ္၊ လြတ္လပ္စြာပါ၀င္ႏိုင္ရမွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒီမိုကေရစီလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္မွာ အဓိပၸါယ္႐ိွစြာပါ၀င္ႏိုင္ေရးအတြက္အေထာက္အကူျဖစ္ေစမဲ့ သတင္းအ ခ်က္အလက္မ်ားကုိ လြတ္လပ္စြာ သိ႐ွိရယူႏိုင္ရမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ဂုဏ္သေရ႐ိွ လူႀကီးမင္းမ်ားခင္ဗ်ား
အသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းမႈတုိင္းဟာ ခက္ခဲလွပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံဟာ သက္ဦးဆံပုိင္စံနစ္ကေန ကုိလုိနီစံနစ္၊ အခု
တခါ လြတ္လပ္တဲ့ႏိုင္ငံအျဖစ္ အသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းခဲ့ပါတယ္။
သမုိင္းဟာ လတ္တေလာမွာ နာက်င္ဘြယ္ျဖစ္ရပ္မ်ားအပါအ၀င္ ‘အေမြ’ႏွစ္မႊာပူးကို သေနၶေဆာင္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။
လက္နက္ကုိင္ပဋိပကၡ နဲ႔ ႏိုင္ငံေရးေ႐ွ႕မတုိးသာေနာက္မဆုတ္သာအေျခအေနေတြပါ။
အခ်ဳပ္အျခာပုိင္ဆုိင္မႈ၊ နယ္ေျမတည္တံ့ခုိင္ၿမဲမႈ နဲ႔ အမ်ဳိးသားညီၫြတ္ေရးတုိ႔ဟာ ႏိုင္ငံတုိင္းရဲ႕ တရား၀င္ စိုးရိမ္ ေသာကမ်ား ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ႏိုင္ငံေရး၀န္းက်င္ကုိ ဖြင့္ေပးျခင္းနဲ႔ ခ်ဲ႕ထြင္ျခင္းဟာ ပုိမုိႀကီးမားတဲ့ စုေပါင္းေဆာင္႐ြက္ျခင္းရဲ႕ အစိတ္အပုိင္းအ ျဖစ္ အုပ္စုတစုခ်င္းနဲ႔ လူတဦးခ်င္းပါ၀င္ႏိုင္မႈအတြက္ အာမခံရန္ အေကာင္းဆုံးနည္းလမ္းျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ကၽြန္ ေတာ္တုိ႔ ရဲရဲႀကီးေျပာႏိုင္ပါတယ္။
စစ္တပ္၊ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအဖြဲ႕အစည္းအားလုံး၊ တုိင္းရင္းသားလူနည္းစုမ်ား၊ အမ်ားျပည္သူနဲ႔သက္ဆိုင္ေသာအဖြဲ႕အ စည္းမ်ားနဲ႔ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕ သားသမီးတုိင္း အမွန္တကယ္ကုိ ႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕အသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းေရးမွာပါ၀င္ၾကရမွာ။
အျပန္အလွန္ အေပးအယူလုပ္ၫိႇႏိႈင္းျခင္း၊ ေလးစားျခင္းနဲ႔ နားလည္မႈတုိ႔သာလွ်င္ ၾကာ႐ွည္တည္တ့ံမဲ့ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္း ေရး၊ အမ်ဳိးသားျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရးနဲ႔ ဒီမိုကေရစီေရးတုိ႔အတြက္ အေျခခံအုတ္္ျမစ္ခ်ေပးႏိုင္မွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ကၽြန္ေတာ္ရဲ႕ ဒုတိယအမွာစကားကေတာ့ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသားမ်ားရဲ႕ လူသားခ်င္းစာနာတဲ႔လိုအပ္ခ်က္မ်ားကုိ ေဖာ္ျပ လုိပါတယ္။
ဧရာ၀တီျမစ္၀ကၽြန္းေပၚေဒသမွာျဖစ္ထြန္းခဲ့တဲ့တုိးတက္မႈမ်ားကုိ ၾကည့္ျမင္ႏိုင္ရန္ ျပန္လည္ေရာက္႐ိွလာႏိုင္စြမ္း အတြက္ ကၽြန္ေတာ္၀မ္းသာလွပါတယ္။
အလုိခ်င္ဆုံးကေတာ့ နာဂစ္မုန္တုိင္းဒဏ္ကုိတုန္႔ျပန္ျခင္းဟာ သီးျခားခြဲျခားထားျခင္းအေပၚ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္႐ြက္ ႏိုင္ျခင္းရဲ႕တန္ဘုိးကုိ သက္ေသျပႏိုင္တာပဲ။
အလႉ႐ွင္အသုိင္းအ၀န္းရဲ႕ကူညီပံ့ပုိးမႈျဖင့္ ‘သုံးပြင့္ဆုိင္ ေက်ာ႐ိုးအုပ္စု’အျဖစ္ ျမန္မာ၊ ကုလသမဂၢနဲ႔ အာဆီယံတုိ႔ အတြင္း မႀကံဳစဖူးပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္႐ြက္ျခင္းဟာ လူသားခ်င္းစာနာမႈအေရးပါျခင္းနဲ႔ အခ်ဳပ္အျခာအာဏာပုိင္မႈရဲ႕ စည္းမ်ဥ္းစည္းကမ္းတုိ႔ဟာ ပဋိပကၡ မျဖစ္ၾကဘူးဆုိတာ သက္ေသျပသြားပါတယ္။
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံနဲ႔ မည္သည့္ေနရာတြင္မဆုိ လူသားခ်င္းစာနာမႈအကူအညီဟာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအတြက္တုန္႔ျပန္ရမဲ့ ဓားစာ ခံ မျဖစ္သင့္ပါဘူး။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ႐ိွ လူသားခ်င္းစာနာမႈနဲ႔ တုိးတက္မႈအေထာက္အကူမ်ား လုိအပ္ေနသူအားလုံး ရ႐ိွႏိုင္ေရးအာမခံခ်က္႐ိွေအာင္ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ အတူတကြေဆာင္႐ြက္ႏိုင္ရမယ္၊ လုပ္ကုိလုပ္ရမွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
အခုဟာကေတာ့ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ရဲ႕ တတိယ အမွာစကားျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
အခုအခ်ိန္ဟာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံအေနနဲ႔ သူရဲ႕ စီးပြါးေရးစြမ္းအင္အလားအလာေကာင္းမ်ားကို ထုတ္ေဖာ္ဘုိ႔အခ်ိန္ ျဖစ္ ပါတယ္။
‘အာ႐ွစီးပြါးေရးအံ့ဘြယ္’ အလယ္မွာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံဟာရပ္တည္ေနပါတယ္။ ႏိုင္ငံအ၀ွမ္းမွာ လ်င္ျမန္တဲ့တုိးတက္မႈ မ်ားအတြက္ ျမန္မာကုိ ‘ကႀကိဳးဆင္ေစျခင္းဟာ’ လူေနမႈအဆင့္အတန္းျမင့္မားေရးအတြက္ အေသခ်ာဆုံးနည္း လမ္းျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ျမန္မာအစုိးရရဲ႕ ကုန္သြယ္မႈအတြက္ ျပင္ပကိုလမ္းဖြင့္ေပးျခင္း၀ါဒ၊ ေထာင္စုဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးတုိးတက္မႈရည္မွန္းခ်က္မ်ား ရေအာင္ ႀကိဳးပမ္းမႈ၊ အိတ္ခ်္အုိင္ဗီြေရာဂါထိန္းခ်ဳပ္မႈ၊ လူကုန္ကူးမႈတုိက္ဖ်က္ေရးနဲ႔ ဘိန္းထုပ္လုပ္မႈအဆုံးသတ္ ေရးတုိ႔ကုိ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ႀကိဳဆုိပါတယ္။
ဒါေပမင့္ အမွန္လက္ေတြ႕မွာေတာ့ ျပည္သူသန္းေပါင္းမ်ားစြာဟာ ဆက္လက္ဆင္းရဲေနဆဲျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕ လူေနမႈအဆင့္အတန္းဟာ အာ႐ွရဲ႕ အနိမ့္ဆုံးထဲမွာပါ၀င္ေနတုန္းပါ။
ဒီျမန္မာျပည္သူမ်ားဟာ အလုပ္မ်ားလိုအပ္ေနပါတယ္။ စားနပ္ရိကၡာဖူလုံမႈေတြလုိအပ္ေနပါတယ္။ က်န္းမာေရး ေစာင့္ေ႐ွာက္ခံယူႏိုင္မႈေတြ လုိအပ္ေနပါတယ္။
ေဒသဆုိင္ရာနဲ႔တကမၻာလုံးဆုိင္ရာ စီးပြါးေရးမွ အက်ဳိးအျမတ္ရႏိုင္ေအာင္နဲ႔ ပါ၀င္ပံ့ပုိးေပးႏိုင္ေရးအတြက္ ျမန္မာ ျပည္သူမ်ားကို အာမခံရဘုိ႔ ကြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ လုပ္ေပးရမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
တည္ၿငိမ္ၿပီး သာယာ၀ေျပာေပါႂကြယ္တဲ့ ဒီမိုကေရစီျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံမွ ေဒသနဲ႔ကမၻာက အက်ဳိးအျမတ္ေတြပုိမုိရ႐ွိလာ မွာကုိ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳရမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီရည္မွန္းခ်က္အတြက္ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ ေဆာင္႐ြက္ေပး ရပါ့မယ္။
ျမန္မာအစုိးရကလဲ ဒီအခ်ိန္အခါကုိ အမိအရ ရယူရမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာအသုိင္းအ၀န္းက ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံျပည္သူမ်ားကုိ လက္ကမ္းရန္ျပင္ဆင္ေနသည့္ အခြင့္အလမ္း မ်ားရဲ႕ အက်ဳိးသက္ေရာက္မႈကုိ ျမန္မာအစုိးရက ရယူရမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ဂုဏ္သေရ႐ွိ လူႀကီးမင္းမ်ားခင္ဗ်ား
ကၽြန္ေတာ္ ဒီကုိ မိတ္ေဆြတဦးအျဖစ္ေရာက္လာခဲ့တာပါ။
ကၽြန္ေတာ့္တာ၀န္က ကုလသမဂၢပဋိဉာဥ္ရဲ႕ အေကာင္းဆုံးစံမ်ားနဲ႔စည္းမ်ဥ္းစည္းကမ္းမ်ားကုိ ထိန္းသိမ္းဘုိ႔ပဲ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ကၽြန္ေတာ့္အခန္းက႑ကေတာ့ သင္တုိ႔အားလုံး - အစုိးရ၊ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ား၊ တုိင္းရင္းသားအုပ္စုမ်ား၊ လူမႈအဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ား - ကို ျပည္သူတရပ္အေနနဲ႔ ႏိုင္ငံတခုအေနနဲ႔ အတူတကြ ေ႐ွ႕ဆက္ေ႐ြ႕လ်ားဘုိ႔ အား ေပးရန္ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
က႑အားလုံးရဲ႕အေပၚမွာ ျပည္သု႕အက်ဳိးကုိထား႐ွိလုိက္တဲ့အခါ မေက်ာ္လႊားႏိုင္တာ သုိ႔မဟုတ္ မျဖစ္ႏိုင္တာ ဆုိတာ မ႐ွိပါဘူး။
ေဒသနဲ႔ကမၻာဟာ လ်င္ျမန္စြာေျပာင္းလဲေနပါတယ္။ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္႐ြက္ျခင္းမွ၊ ၿပီးေတာ့ မိမိကိုယ္တုိင္ေျပာင္းလဲ မႈကုိ စတင္လုပ္ျခင္းမွ အက်ဳိးျဖစ္ထြန္းဘို႔ ျမန္မာဟာ ရပ္တည္လုိ႔သာ ေနပါတယ္။
ျမန္မာအစုိးရက ကုလသမဂၢႏဲ႔ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္႐ြက္ျခင္းဟာ ႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး၀ါဒရဲ႕ အေျခခံအုတ္ျမစ္ျဖစ္ တယ္လုိ႔ ထပ္ခါတလဲလဲ ေျပာလ်က္႐ွိပါတယ္။
စကားေတြနဲ႔ အလုပ္ေတြ ကုိက္ညီဘုိ႔အတြက္ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ ေတာင္းဆုိပါတယ္။
သူ႔ျပည္သူမ်ားရဲ႕လုိအပ္ခ်က္မ်ားနဲ႔ ျပင္းျပတဲ့ဆႏၵမ်ားကုိတုန္႔ျပန္ဘုိ႔ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံဟာ ကုလသမဂၢနဲ႔ ပုိမုိပူးေပါင္း လုပ္ေဆာင္ေလ ႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕ အခ်ဳပ္အျခာပုိင္ဆုိင္မႈကုိ အခုိင္အမာျပဳႏိုင္ေလ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ဒီအတူပါပဲ။ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔္ရဲ႕ေ၀မွ်ခံယူထားတဲ့ရည္မွန္းခ်က္မ်ားျဖစ္တဲ့ ျပည္သူအားလုံးရဲ႕လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးကုိ အျပည့္အ၀ေလးစားျခင္းနဲ႔အတူ ညီၫြတ္တဲ့ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းတဲ့ သာယာ၀ေျပာတဲ့ ဒီမုိကေရစီနည္းလမ္းက်တဲ့ အနာ ဂတ္အတြက္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံလက္လွမ္းမွီႏိုင္ေအာင္ ကူညီရန္ အတူတကြလုပ္ေဆာင္ဘုိ႔ ႏိုင္ငံတကာအသုိင္းအ၀န္း မွာလဲ တာ၀န္႐ွိပါတယ္။
ေက်းဇူးတင္ပါတယ္။
( ၂၀၀၉ ဇူလုိင္ ၄ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ အစုိးရမဟုတ္ေသာ အဖြဲ႔အစည္းမ်ား (NGO) ၊ သံတမန္မ်ား၊ ျပည္တြင္း သတင္းေထာက္မ်ား စုစုေပါင္း ၅၀၀ ခန္႔ တက္ေရာက္ခဲ့သည့္ ဟံသာဝတီ မူးယစ္ ေဆးဝါးျပတုိက္တြင္ ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့ေသာ သတင္းစာ ရွင္းလင္းပြဲ၌ ကုလသမဂၢ အေထြေထြ အတြင္းေရးမႉးခ်ဳပ္ မစၥတာ ဘန္ကီမြန္း ေျပာၾကားခဲ့သည့္ မိန္႔ခြန္းအျပည့္အစုံကုိ ျပန္ဆုိပါသည္ )
Unofficial translation
ေမာင္ေမာင္လွႀကိဳင္
၂၀၀၉ ၀၇ ၀၆
UN Chief Speaks Out Against Lack of Human Rights
BURMA: UN Chief Speaks Out Against Lack of Human Rights
By Marwaan Macan-Markar
BANGKOK, Jul 8 (IPS) - Using the power of his office, U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon achieved a rare diplomatic feat during his recent visit to military-ruled Burma. He broke a taboo by delivering a public speech about the lack of democracy and human rights in the country.
So far, the notoriously prickly regime, which controls the South-east Asian nation with an iron grip, has accepted Ban's verbal thrust without an outburst. But Burma watchers wonder how long that silence will last, given the regime is known to lash out at U.N. officials who have made public statements in the country about the debilitating effects of ignoring political and civil liberties.
"Neither peace nor development can thrive without democracy and respect for human rights," the world body's top diplomat said over the weekend to an audience of diplomats, U.N. officials and staff from aid agencies in Rangoon, the former capital. "Peace, development and human rights are closely inter-related."
"Myanmar's human rights record remains a matter of grave concern," Ban added, using the name of the country that the junta opts for, instead of Burma. "Myanmar's way forward must be rooted in respect for human rights."
Ban's speech, on the last of his two-day stay in Burma, also touched on the plight of Aung San Suu Kyi, the pro-democracy leader who has spent over 14 years either under house arrest or in Rangoon's Insein Prison. He called for the release of the Nobel Peace laureate and the over 2,100 political prisoners languishing in Burmese jails.
"Aung San Suu Kyi must be allowed to participate in the political process without further delay," Ban said after being denied a chance to meet the 64-year-old Suu Kyi, currently being held in the Insein Prison as part of a bizarre trial after a U.S. citizen showed up as an uninvited guest in her home in early May after he swam there across a lake.
Little wonder why Ban's critical comments - which shatter the illusion being created by the regime that it is on the right track as part of its "roadmap to democracy," including a planned general election in 2010 - is being welcomed in some quarters.
In the past, the junta has not been kind to the far less provocative and milder comments about the shortcomings of the regime's model for democracy and the humanitarian situation made by Ibrahim Gambari, the U.N. special envoy to Burma, and Charles Petrie, the former U.N. humanitarian coordinator in the country.
Gambari was given a dressing down by Information Minister Brig-Gen Kyaw Hsan in March last year for comments the Nigerian diplomat made about flaws in the "democratic" political process being pushed by the junta. Gambari said that the U.N. wanted this push, including the new constitution, to be inclusive, accommodating the opposition.
Petrie paid a different price for speaking his mind in a press release issued in October 2007. The junta refused to renew his visa, prompting an early departure from his post, after the head of the United Nations Development Programme deplored the "deteriorating humanitarian situation" in the country
The regime described that statement as "unprecedented" and "very negative."
But by going many steps further, Ban's speech is being described as "encouraging" by the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB), the democratically elected government forced into exile after the regime refused to recognised the results of the 1990 general elections.
"This is the first time that someone has been so openly critical about the reality in Burma," says Bo Hla Tint, the foreign minister of the NCGUB. "It was important for Mr. Ban to tell the regime how the U.N. sees the problem in Burma."
"The U.N. secretary-general's role is important to bring change in Burma," the minister in the exile government told IPS. "It has to be part of a long serious political process, and not just a one-time event."
The personal commitment shown by Ban to usher in an open and inclusive democratic culture in Burma is being well received by the Association of South-east Asian Nations (ASEAN), a 10-member regional bloc of which Burma is a member.
"The prime minister, as the chair of ASEAN, supports the U.N. secretary-general's trip to Myanmar and he wants to ensure that the U.N. keeps engaging the Myanmar government," said Panitan Wattanayagorn, the acting spokesman for the Thai government. "We will see from this point onwards what more can be done now that the U.N. secretary-general has delivered his message."
Such a regional response marks a departure from the harsh comments by Western governments that saw Ban's trip as a failure, achieving barely any concessions from the junta. A key to this dismissive stance was Ban being denied access to meet Suu Kyi.
"Although we know that expectations among some in the international community was very high and they wanted the secretary-general to meet Aung San Suu Kyi, it is not fair to say the mission was a failure because the meeting did not take place," added Panitan in an interview. "The issues are much more complex and beyond this single issue."
But for the current U.N. engagement to achieve political reform in Burma more is required, say human rights groups that have continued to expose the litany of abuse in a country that has been under the grip of successive military regimes since a 1962 coup.
"Setting the standards through a speech is the easiest thing to do; achieving the standards is the difficult part," says David Scott Mathieson, Burma consultant for Human Rights Watch, a New York-based global rights watchdog. "That is where the hard work and effort is going to be." "The average person in Burma will find Ban's speech patronising," Mathieson told IPS. "They expect more from the U.N." (END/2009)
UN Leads Condemnation of Myanmar’s New Charges Against Suu Kyi
http://www.bloomberg.com/apps/news?pid=20601089&sid=a0J2VBNCdLE8
By Michael Heath and Ed Johnson
May 15 (Bloomberg) -- The United Nations led international condemnation of new charges brought by Myanmar’s military junta against pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and demanded her immediate and unconditional release.
The Nobel Peace Prize winner will stand trial next week accused of breaching the conditions of her house arrest order after an American national allegedly swam across a lake last week to visit her. Two of her maids also face trial.
“I call on the government of Myanmar to release Aung San Suu Kyi and her aides unconditionally,” UN human rights envoy Tomas Ojea Quintana said in a statement yesterday. “Since her house is well guarded by security forces, the responsibility for preventing such intrusions” lies with them, he said.
Suu Kyi, 63, has spent 13 years in detention since her National League for Democracy party won 1990 elections in the country previously known as Burma, a result rejected by the military that has ruled since 1962. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said Suu Kyi had been charged with a “baseless” crime.
“We oppose the regime’s efforts to use this incident as a pretext to place further restrictions on her, and therefore we call on the Burmese authorities to release her immediately and unconditionally,” Clinton said. She also called for the release of Suu Kyi’s doctor and more than 2,100 political prisoners.
Suu Kyi’s trial will begin May 18, nine days before her detention order is due to expire. She faces a maximum sentence of five years in prison if found guilty, Nyan Win, a spokesman for the NLD, said yesterday from the former capital, Yangon, after the hearing at Insein Prison.
The American national John Yettaw, was charged with breaching a security law, he said.
Security Breach
Yettaw was detained by police last week for entering Suu Kyi’s lakeside home and staying there for two days, according to state-run media. He arrived uninvited and Suu Kyi encouraged him to leave, Jared Genser, her U.S.-based legal counsel, said yesterday before the court hearing.
Myanmar authorities have described Yettaw as a 53-year-old former soldier from Detroit. The state-run New Light of Myanmar newspaper said he arrived in Yangon on a tourist visa on May 2 and swam to Suu Kyi’s compound the following night. He was arrested in the early hours of May 6 while swimming back across the lake.
Authorities confiscated his passport, a black haversack, torch, folding pliers, a camera, two $100 bills and some Myanmar currency, according to the newspaper. They are investigating his motives for entering Suu Kyi’s home, it said.
China, India
Human Rights Watch called on China and India, Myanmar’s closest allies, to pressure the ruling generals to free Suu Kyi. The New York-based group said the charges against her are part of an intensified campaign against pro-democracy activists that has brought increased arrests as the regime seeks to crush the opposition before elections.
The junta plans a ballot in 2010 after passing a constitution last year that it said was backed by 92 percent of voters. The NLD and other groups have denounced the charter, which bars Suu Kyi from holding office.
“China, India, Singapore, Thailand and other Southeast Asian countries should be calling for a genuine and participatory political process in Burma, which means serious public pressure for the release of political opponents,” said Elaine Pearson, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch.
“Suu Kyi’s latest arrest shows how their silence simply encourages more contempt for basic freedoms,” she said in a statement.
Clinton, China
Clinton told reporters in Washington yesterday the U.S. wants a statement from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations expressing concern about the treatment of Suu Kyi. Myanmar is a member of the 10-member regional bloc.
The Obama administration will also raise the matter with nations “like China, and see if we can’t, on a humanitarian basis, seek relief for Aung San Suu Kyi from this latest effort to intimidate and perhaps even incarcerate her,” Clinton said.
Suu Kyi has been detained since May 2003 under a law that allows someone deemed a threat to national security to be held without charge, according to Genser, president of the U.S.-based Freedom Now group. The junta says it can detain her under the law for six years, or until May 27, he added.
The opposition leader has suffered from dehydration, low blood pressure and a loss of appetite over the past few weeks, Nyan Win said. She underwent gynecological surgery in 2003, needed hospital treatment in 2006 and suffered low blood pressure and was unable to leave her bed in September.
To contact the reporters on this story: Michael Heath in Sydney at mheath1@bloomberg.net; Ed Johnson in Sydney at ejohnson28@bloomberg.net.
Last Updated: May 14, 2009 23:07 EDT
UN rules detention of Myanmar's Suu Kyi illegal
http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2009/mar/23/un-rules-detention-of-myanmars-suu-kyi-illegal/print/
Originally published 11:22 p.m., March 23, 2009, updated 10:26 p.m., March 23, 2009
UN rules detention of Myanmar's Suu Kyi illegal
DENIS D. GRAY ASSOCIATED PRESS
BANGKOK (AP) - The United Nations has ruled the continued detention of Myanmar's pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi violates the country's own laws as well as those of the international community, a legal document says.
Suu Kyi, a Nobel Peace Prize laureate, has spent 13 of the last 19 years under house arrest, with the ruling junta yearly extending her detention despite international outcries.
"The latest renewal (2008) of the order to place Ms. Suu Kyi under house arrest not solely violates international law but also national domestic laws of Myanmar," said a legal opinion by the U.N. Working Group on Arbitrary Detentions that has been sent to the Myanmar government.
Although the ruling is unlikely to spring Suu Kyi from detention, it is uncommon for the world body to accuse a member country of violating its own laws, and while the junta has always marched to its own tune it has also resented being regarded as an international pariah.
The working group, an arm of the U.N. Human Rights Council, said Suu Kyi was being held under Myanmar's 1975 State Protection Law, which only allows renewable arrest orders for a maximum of five years. This five-year period ended at the end of May 2008.
The opinion also questioned whether Suu Kyi represented a threat to the "security of the State or public peace and tranquility," the provision of the 1975 law authorities have pointed to as the reason for her continued detention.
Jared Genser, a Washington-based attorney retained by Suu Kyi's family who provided the document to The Associated Press, said while the United Nations group earlier found her detention arbitrary and in violation of international law, it was the first time it cited the junta as failing to abide by its own law.
He said the government of Myanmar, also known as Burma, has not responded to the U.N.'s legal arguments and has not commented on why Suu Kyi is still being detained.
Suu Kyi, who rose to prominence during a pro-democracy uprising in 1988, was placed under arrest before her party swept the 1990 general elections, which the junta did not recognize. Over the years, the government released her several times only to have her virtually isolated again in her compound in Yangon.
The United Nations has for years attempted without success to bring about political reform and a dialogue between Suu Kyi and the military.
"I am under no illusion that the junta will be listening to the United Nations," Genser said in a telephone interview. "There is no quick and easy answer to the problem of Burma, so we have to take it one step forward at a time."
In Myanmar, the spokesman for Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy, Nyan Win, said over the weekend that her lawyer had sent a letter to Prime Minister Gen. Thein Sein on March 13 asking for a hearing to appeal for her release when the one-year detention period expires in May.
The lawyer, Kyi Win, sent the appeal letter last October but has had no response from authorities, the spokesman said.
"The reason for her detention is false because Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who advocates a nonviolence policy, has not caused any threat to public order," he said.
Nyan Win said every time Suu Kyi's detention is extended, authorities read out the order "but no explanation or reason was ever given for the extension or detention."
Asked if Suu Kyi's detention might be lifted in May, Nyan Win said, "It is very difficult to make any predictions as the government does not have a transparent policy."
Activist groups, under a Free Burma's Political Prisoners Now Campaign, are attempting to collect 888,888 signatures for a petition calling for the release of Suu Kyi and more than 2,100 other political prisoners.
The petition is to be sent to U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon. The number "8" is regarded as highly auspicious by many Burmese.
Myanmar has been under military rule since 1962. Its leaders have scheduled elections next year that they say will lead to democracy. Critics say the balloting, held under a junta-orchestrated constitution, will merely perpetuate military control.
Reports of UN election monitors leave primary Mon political parties unmoved; boycott remains
http://democracyforburma.wordpress.com/2009/03/07/reports-of-un-election-monitors-leave-primary-mon-political-parties-unmoved-boycott-remains/
2009 March 7
tags: 2010 Election, Burma, Human Rights, Junta, Mon, world focus on Burmaby peacerunningThe two primary political parties representing Mon people say they will not participate in Burma’s 2010 elections, in spite of recent reports indicating that international observers will be invited to monitor the process.
Monitoring is not likely to make the elections free and fair, spokesmen for the New Mon State Party (NMSP) and the Mon National Democratic Front (MNDF) told IMNA, nor will it resolve underlying problems with country’s constitution.
Few details on the monitoring have been publicized, raising questions about the extent of any monitors’ mandate. To date, Burma’s State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) government has made no official public statement; save for a few paragraphs in the Bangkok Post on March 1st and a follow-up story by the Irrawaddy the next day, the story has received little to no international coverage.
According to the Bangkok Post, Burmese Prime Minister Thein Sein recently told Thailand’s Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva that Burma would welcome observation by UN special envoy Ibrahim Gambari, UN staff and other western observers. The Post based its story on a statement by Thailand’s deputy government spokesman Suphachai Jaisamut.
Nai Ong Mange, NMSP party spokesman, cautioned that the UN has made no official announcement regarding monitoring, let alone provided details about how, where and what monitors would be allowed to observe. “The UN has not officially announced how they will observe the 2010 election,” Nai Ong Mange told IMNA. The NMSP is the largest Mon political party and has officially controlled a small amount of territory in Mon State since agreeing to a ceasefire with the SPDC in 1995.
“If the UN monitors, it will only be able to do and see what the SPDC says to do and see,” continued Nai Ong Mange. “They will not come to the ethnic areas – they will not make the election free and fair.”
Media, human rights and democracy groups have widely reported poll tampering during a constitutional referendum held in May 2008. Reported abuses – particularly in primarily ethnic rural areas – include voter intimidation, pre-filled ballots and result fabrication. Official figures, meanwhile, say the country’s new constitution was confirmed by a vote of more than 90%.
“Although UN Monitors might join the election now… they can do nothing,” agreed MNDF spokesman Nai Hong Dein. The MNDF is another respected Mon political party, which won 5 seats in Burma’s later-annulled 1990 elections.
“The SPDC will not change, they will not review the constitution,” explained Nai Hong Dein. “The constitution is not for the ethnic nationalities; it is for strengthening the SPDC. Although there may be monitors, we will not participate. Even if they monitor, Burma will not become a democratic country. It will not become a federal country.
Both the NMSP and MNDF have announced that their refusal to participate in the 2010 election is primarily predicated on opposition to Burma’s constitution. According to the groups, the constitution provides insufficient protection for ethnic minorities and is too difficult to amend.
Nai Ong Mange also highlighted the SPDC’s continued failure to provide details on how the election will be conducted. Details explaining how political parties can be officially formed have not been released, he said, nor have rules explaining how poll stations and voting areas will be allocated. Indeed, though rumors indicate that the election is tentatively scheduled for March 2010, there has been no official SPDC statement.
In the past, at least one Mon politician interviewed by IMNA has criticized the lack of clarity regarding election rules as a deliberate strategy to weaken opposition parties.
But though both the MNDF and NMSP appear firm in their refusal to join the election, both spokesmen said their parties would not oppose the formation of political parties by other Mon groups. “If the NMSP and MNDF don’t join, a Mon political party will appear,” said Nai Hong Dein. “I won’t say that this political party is good or bad.”
“If a 3rd party appears… the NMSP will not bother this party. They can do what they want to do. If the people and monks support them, it is good and they have a right to participate,” agreed Nai Ong Mange.
The NMSP stance appears to mirror that of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), which will require KIO members to leave the party if they contest the election. “If an NMSP member wants to form a political party, they can go – it is their choice,” said Nai Ong Mange. “But the NMSP will not back these members. We will not support them and we will not bother them. But they will have to leave the party – they cannot use the NMSP name.”
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